Complementizer doubling in Slovenian subordinate clauses

The focus of the present paper is on complementizer doubling constructions in
subordinate clauses in Slovenian. The main goal is to show that complementizer
doubling in Slovenian is a syntactic phenomenon comparable to complementizer
doubling in other, mainly dialectal variants of Romance languages (e.g. Paoli 2003;
Ledgeway 2005; Dagnac 2012; Villa-Garcia 2012; González i Planas 2014; Munaro
2016). The Slovenian complementizer doubling data strongly suggests that the syn-
tactic analysis of such constructions is possible only under the assumption that
the complementizer field is split into several functional projections, as was first
proposed by Rizzi (1997). Since it seems that the doubling complementizer in Slovenian is always the closing element of the complementizer system, it is reasonable
to assume that at least in Slovenian, this element occupies the head of finiteness
projection, while the first complementizer in complementizer doubling constructions, which functions as the complement clause introducer, sits in the head of the
highest projection of the split CP field, i.e. the force projection. The suitability of
force projection as the host of the first complementizer in Slovenian complemen-
tizer doubling constructions is justified by the fact that topicalized and focalized
phrases necessarily follow it, which is the exact same pattern that was observed
also for complementizer doubling constructions in Romance languages (e.g. Ledgeway 2005; Dagnac 2012; Munaro 2016, among others).