In this section, questions were posed with the aim of knowing how the mining activity will affect the livelihoods of the people living in the fringe communities of the Atiwa Forest Reserve.
Knowing the level of impact of the proposed mining prompted the need to, first and foremost, identify the level of dependency on the forest reserve for livelihoods. To determine the dependency level of the people on the forest reserve for their livelihoods, 97% of the 197 respondents indicated that they depend directly on the forest, whereas the remaining 3% stated that they do not depend directly on the forest for their livelihoods. As to what they depend on the forest for, 78% stated that they depend directly on the forest reserve for water, 8% said they depend on the forest for medicine (herbal), 5% indicated that they depend on the forest for food, 4% for timberwood, another 4% stated that they depend on the forest for other things, such as fuelwood, and the remaining 1% gave no response. This gives an indication that approximately three-quarters of the people living in the fringe communities rely on the forest for water (see
Table 2). With various studies, such as Akomaning [
13], giving almost a 100% reliance on the forest for water, this study specifically attempts to identify the main source of water for the communities. As presented in
Table 2, about 51% of the respondents specified that they use pipe-borne water for daily activities and consumption, 37% stated that their sources of drinking water are direct from rivers and streams, 9% indicated that they get their drinking water from wells and boreholes, 1% depend on rainwater, and the remaining 2% gave no response. The residents mainly depend on the forest for tangible materials, such as food (snails, mushrooms, bush meat, honey, and fruits), water, and raw materials, such as timber, rattan, fuelwood, canes, etc. [
16,
23]. The main sources of drinking water for the residents are pipe-borne water and rivers and streams that have their headwaters in the forest reserve. Pipe-borne water is supplied by the Government of Ghana through Ghana Water Company Limited. According to Akomaning [
13], pipe-borne water in the study areas is taken from the streams and rivers that flow from the forest reserve to the treatment plants that are usually stationed a few meters away from the river or the stream. It is, therefore, not wrong to state that about 90% of the residents depend on the rivers and streams that flow from the forest reserve for drinking, and this implies that these people will have to resort to other sources if the bauxite is mined in the forest.
Impact of the Proposed Mining on Livelihoods of the People
Identifying whether the people consider mining in the forest reserve to have a direct impact on their livelihoods was very important for the study. As presented in
Table 3, out of the 197 respondents, 187 (representing 95%) stated that mining in the Atiwa Forest Reserve will have a direct impact on their livelihoods, 8 respondents (representing 4%) mentioned that mining in the forest will not have any direct impact on their livelihood, and the remaining 1% of the respondents did not respond to the question. As further presented in
Table 3, out of the 187 people who stated that mining in the forest reserve will have a direct impact on their livelihoods, 61 respondents, representing 33%, stated that they foresee a positive impact, 123 respondents (representing 66%) stated that they foresee a negative impact, and the remaining 2% provided no response to the question.
In identifying how mining in the forest reserve is going to benefit or affect the people, out of the 61 people who indicated in
Table 3 that they anticipate a positive impact on their livelihood, all of them mentioned that more jobs will be created as a result of the mining. This shows that almost all recognize the creation of jobs from the mining development, and one-third anticipate a positive benefit. Meanwhile, out of the 123 people who indicated in
Table 3 that they anticipate a negative impact on their livelihood, 71 respondents (representing 58%) mentioned that mining in the forest reserve will cause unemployment, since most of them are subsistent farmers and rely on rivers and streams flowing from the forest for irrigation. About 23% of the respondents stated that the mining could lead to famine, 14% anticipate drought, and the remaining 6% indicated that crime might be higher because of the presence of foreigners (see
Table 4).
From the results, it was identified that the majority of people anticipate that there will be negative impacts from the intended mining project on their livelihood. Even though some of the residents look forward to being employed on the project, the majority indicated that there is the high possibility of unemployment, famine, drought, and crime. Since most of the people are small-scale farmers, they depend on their environment for farming, with specific reference to water for agricultural purposes, such as irrigation. Farmers are demotivated when there are persistent low yields, of which the lack of irrigation is a paramount cause. As earlier indicated, Ghana employs more than 40% of the population in agriculture, but average agricultural production continues to decline [
28]. It is therefore anticipated that most of the people may lose interest in farming, thereby becoming primarily unemployed. The inability of farmers to provide adequate food can lead to famine and food insecurity [
29], and the anticipated drought is in relation to the destruction of rivers and streams that flow from the forest. The residents expressed their fear of an increase in crime in the area, which is attributed to the anticipation of high migration and population increase in the mining communities (see
Figure 3 for a diagrammatic illustration). Historically, according to Hilson [
30], major growth in transport infrastructure, in rail- and roadways, as well as banking, healthcare, and education, in and around the resource-rich areas of Western Ashanti and, to some degree, the eastern and central regions, is being fueled by the relative achievements of exploitation and development within the mining sector under the British colonial administration. The demand for jobs in the mining industry has greatly outstripped supply in historically agricultural industries. It is common knowledge that indigenous or tribal employees were either reluctant, or unable, to satisfy labor standards in certain situations. For this reason, many organizations tend to look for labor outside the vicinity of the industry and, not only that, but also people (both skilled and unskilled) are attracted to these industrial areas in order to make ends meet. The influx of both skilled and unskilled people means an increase in population. As stated by Alvarez-Diaz [
23], there is a positive relationship between population growth rate and the crime rate of a vicinity. Many people in mining communities who are not engaged in mining activities often rely on illegal mining, on or near the large-scale mining concessions, a circumstance that often leads to conflict between the parties [
31].
In determining whether or not they support the proposed mining of the forest reserve from a general point of view, as displayed in
Figure 4, about 51 respondents, representing 26%, indicated that they support the proposed mining in the forest reserve, whereas the majority of the respondents, i.e., 142 people, representing 72%, stated that they do not support it. The remaining 2% gave no response. From a general point of view, as presented in
Table 5, the respondents were given the opportunity to provide one or more reasons why they do or do not support the proposed mining of the forest reserve. Out of the 51 respondents who support the proposed mining, 46 indicated that the mining activities will lead to the creation of jobs. About 7 respondents out of the 51 stated that the government will be attentive to the needs of the people in the affected areas, and 41 respondents mentioned infrastructural development as one of the reasons for supporting the proposed mining. High income was presented by 23 respondents as one of the reasons. However, 2 out of the 51 respondents who stated that they support the proposal did not give any reasons. It was identified that the 49 respondents, out of the 51 who mentioned that they are in favor of the proposed mining, gave at least two reasons to support their opinion.
Generally, just a small fraction of the population supports the intended project of the government on the notion that the project will not only bring about mining-related job opportunities but will also create avenues for businesses and other economic activities, which will, in turn, generate higher income for the people, and the country at large. As indicated by Aberman and Lal [
28], rural households are mostly earning incomes from agriculture in most of sub-Saharan Africa, and the rapid growth of the rural population forces governments to create jobs for the youth. Agriculture in Ghana employs over 40% of the entire population, but the overall agricultural production remains below expectations, and this is a major problem for the rural livelihoods of people who want to earn higher revenues. This is one of the reasons why those who are in support of mining look forward to switching to other jobs, rather than being subsistence farmers with low income. They are also of the view that the project will lead to the government paying attention to the social needs of the people and will, in the long run, lead to infrastructural development.
Contrary to the above, in
Table 6, about 142 respondents indicate that they do not support the proposed mining of the forest reserve. It was also observed that all of the 142 respondents gave at least two reasons to support their decision. Out of the 142 respondents, 121 mentioned the impact it will have on agriculture and food production as well as fishing, as one of their reasons. About 139 mentioned the destruction of water bodies, while 19 stated the destruction of cultural heritage as one of the reasons. About 97 of the respondents also indicated the extinction of rare species as a reason, with 27 stating that the forest possesses an existential meaning to them and that they will, therefore, not support its destruction.
The results indicate that the majority of respondents, if it is within their power, will not support mining development in the reserve. The respondents are aware of the negative impacts on agriculture, river bodies, and biodiversity, including rare and endangered plant and animal species that can only be found in Atiwa. Apart from the fact that over five million people depend on the rivers and streams from the forest for consumption and farming, and that the mining activities will destroy these waterbodies, the residents believe that reduction in forest cover will have a negative impact on agricultural output [
13,
21]. The Atiwa Forest Reserve, according to the people, has an existential meaning and it is part of their cultural heritage. Therefore, mining it means taking away a precious piece of their cultural opulence and so, therefore, accept as true that there are other means of utilizing the economic potential of the forest reserve other than destroying it. Nyame et al. [
29] support these claims by stating that, in many of the agricultural communities in large-scale mining zones, there is low harvesting of crops, poor extension services, decreased soil fertility, inconsistent rainfall patterns, and increased rural–urban drift for the youth. Extremely long gestation periods for many agrarian products, such as oil palm and cocoa, as well as the undeveloped characteristics of local markets, make agriculture unattractive to many people, especially the youth. In addition, socioeconomic reforms, triggered by the presence of large-scale mining and the scarcity of jobs on sites, raise the chances of many indigenous people migrating from remote mineral-rich areas to pursue better employment elsewhere.