^{page 327 note 1} Primitive Pictographs and a Prae-Phoenician Script from Crete, &c. J.H.S. vol. xiv. 1894 p. 270 seqq.; and, London, Quaritch, 1895. The first part of the present paper was communicated to the Hellenic Society in November 1896. The second part containing the proto-Egyptian and Libyan parallels has been added since that date.

^{page 328 note 1} A short account of my journey in 1896 appeared in the Academy, June 13, 20, July 4, and 18 of that year.

^{page 330 note 1} See Cretan Pictographs and Prae-Phoenician Script with an account of a Sepulchral deposit of Hagios Onuphrios near Phoestos. London: B. Quaritch; New York: G. P. Putnams, 1895, p. 105 seqq.

^{page 330 note 2} Op. cit. p. 107, Fig. 81b.

^{page 330 note 3} Op. cit. p. 15, (284) Fig. 11a.

^{page 330 note 4} On the relation of the Cretan Pictographs to the linear characters, more will be found below, p. 358 seqq.

^{page 330 note 5} ‘Pictographs’ &c. p. 32[J.H.S. xiv. p. 301].

^{page 330 note 6} I have called attention to this point in my ‘Pictographs’ &c. p. 95 [J.H.S. xiv p. 364]: ‘In instituting the comparisons (on Table II), the pictographic signs have been taken from the somewhat advanced types represented on the Mycenaean seal-stones of Eastern Crete, but inasmuch as the linear forms…go back to a very early date it would not be literally true to say that they are derived from pictographs in the stage represented by these Eteocretan seals. The actual prototypes of the linear forms would probably have been pictographs of a ruder ‘graffito’ and almost linear type themselves, such as we find on some of the most archaic Cretan stones and on the whorls of the earliest settlements of Hissarlik.’

^{page 331 note 1} No. 1. from Gonias, Pedeada; No. 2. Lasethi; No. 3. Koprana, Lasethi; No. 4. near Gortyna; No. 5. Spelia near Lamnôn, Siteia.

^{page 331 note 2} Cf. Cretan Pictographs, p. 75, Fig. 69 [J.H.S. xiv. p. 344].

^{page 331 note 3} From Mallia, Pedeada, in the Museum of he Syllogos at Candia.

^{page 331 note 4} Upon one in my collection a dog is seen flying in the same way at the hind-leg of a wild bull.

^{page 331 note 5} From Milato.

^{page 331 note 6} On a Mycenaean gem recently found at Kastri near Turloti in E. Crete there is what appears to be a representation of a moufflon. This animal is no longer found in the island.

^{page 331 note 7} Cf. Cretan Pictographs, &c., pp. 73, 74: [J.H.S. xiv. pp. 342, 343].

^{page 332 note 1} From Milato.

^{page 332 note 2} Cretan Pictographs, &c., p. 70, Fig. 59 [J.H.S. xiv. p. 339].

^{page 332 note 3} Salinas, , Ripostiglio di monete antiche di argento (Rome 1888 p. 7)Google Scholar, regards one of these as the prototype of the so-called sea serpent (pistrix) seen on so many Sicilian and MagnaGræcian coins. Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, und Keller, , Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen, p. 73Google Scholar and Taf. viii, 39; xii. 34, 35; xiii. 18.

^{page 332 note 4} Bought at Athens by Mr. J. L. Myres and presented by him to the Ashmolean Museum. The seal is clearly of Cretan fabric.

^{page 332 note 5} I have to thank Dr. Blinkenberg and the Director for an impression.

^{page 333 note 1} It is probable that the two objects on a Cretan gem in the Berlin Museum (‘Pictographs’ &c. Fig. 59b.), described by me loc. cit. as ‘polyplike,’ are also intended to represent spiders.

^{page 333 note 2} See below, p. 335, Fig. 5b and p. 336, Fig. 6b.

^{page 333 note 3} No single representation of a spider occurs n Imhoof-Blumer und Keller, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des classischen Alterthums.

^{page 333 note 4} The seals Nos. 14 and 15, were from Mallia the site of an ancient settlement on the north-east coast, a little to the west of Milato. No. 1 came from Goniais in the hill-country above.

^{page 333 note 5} See below p. 364, Fig. 29 and p. 368, Fig. 32.

^{page 333 note 6} See below, p. 336 Fig. 6a, b.

^{page 333 note 7} In the Museum of the Syllogos at Candia.

^{page 334 note 1} Seen by me there in 1893.

^{page 335 note 1} Impressions of this seal and that figured on Plate X. No. 13 were due to the kindness of Dr. Chr. Blinkenberg.

^{page 335 note 2} See below, p. 342, Fig. 11 and p. 343· Fig. 13.

^{page 336 note 1} See ‘Pictographs,’ etc. p. 41 [J.H.S. xiv. p. 310, No. 43].

^{page 336 note 2} See below, p. 343.

^{page 337 note 1} ‘Pictographs,’ No. 25.

^{page 337 note 2} Ib. No. 10.

^{page 337 note 3} Ib. No. 18.

^{page 337 note 4} Ib. Nos. 69, 70.

^{page 337 note 5} Ib. No. 66.

^{page 337 note 6} Pp. 415, 416. No attempt was made to represent face a. I am indebted to Professor Halbherr for this reference and to Dr. Stais and M. Gilliéron for a cast of the object in question.

^{page 339 note 1} Wright, Emp. of the Hittites, Plate i, H. I and H. II.

^{page 339 note 2} Pp. [302] 33–[315] 46.

^{page 340-341 note 1} ‘Pictographs’ &c., p. 19 [288], Fig. 21 and p. 29 [298], Fig. 38.

Compare op. cit. p. 43 [312] No. 5 and the Hittite fleur-de-lys symbol from Hamath (Wright, , Empire of the Hittites, Pl. iv., ii. 2 and 3)Google Scholar. In the present case however its conjunction with the lion's head suggests the palmettes seen behind conventionalised lions on one of the shields from the Idaean Cave, Halbherr and Orsi Antichità delľ Antro di Zeus, Atlas Tav. ii.

^{page 342 note 2} P. 342; cf. too, ‘Pictographs,’ &c. Fig. 33a.

^{page 343 note 1} The seals e., g. and h. Fig. 49 in ‘Pictographs’ &c., p. 58 [J.H.S. xiv. p, 327] belong to this class.

^{page 345 note 1} E.g. Scarab of the Princess Nefrura (c. 1500 B.C.), Petrie, , History of Egypt during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Dynasties, p. 78Google Scholar Fig. 39.

^{page 345 note a} B.M. Catalogue of Gems, No. 99. It is thus described, p. 45: ‘Triangular prism with ounded ends (a) Lion to l. Chiefly executed by means of circles and semi-circles (b) Goat lying down to l: tree(?) and circles in field. (c) Deer with large horns lying down to l; circle in field. Green Jasper. Crete.’

^{page 345 note 3} Furtwängler, , Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium, No. 88, p. 10Google Scholar and Taf. 3.

^{page 345 note 4} B.M. Catalogue of Gems, Pl. B. 113 p. 47. ‘Deer standing to l., looking back and suckling young; branch in field and pattern of drilled holes above. Hæmatite. Egypt.’

^{page 346 note 1} An octagonal signet of simple conical form and of green steatite from Crete in the Berlin Museum, (Beschreibung &c. No. 81, p. 9 and Taf. 2.) representing a Sphinx, exemplifies the fact that in Crete too during the succeeding period there was a return to the softer material.

^{page 346 note 2} In my collection.

^{page 347 note 1} In my collection.

^{page 347 note 2} Tsountas, Μυκήναι, p. 214, Figs. 3Google Scholar; Tsountas, and Manatt, , The Mycenaean Age, p. 269Google Scholar, Figs. 1, 138, 139.

^{page 347 note 3} Pictographs, etc., p. 10 [279], Fig. 56.

^{page 347 note 4} Petrie, Naqada, Pl. LIV., No. 262.

^{page 347 note 5} Fritz Hömmel, Süd-Arabische Chrestomathie.

^{page 348 note 1} See Academy, July 18, 1896 (p. 54.

^{page 349 note 1} See p. 352.

^{page 350 note 1} The inscription is given in Tsountas, and Manatt, , The Mycenaean Age, p. 279Google Scholar, but the first sign is there imperfectly rendered, the upper slab above the truncated obelisk, of which distinct traces are visible, having been omitted. The vase is there described as being of a familiar “Island” form, from which I infer that Dr. Tsountas also refers it to the earlier Aegean period. Fig. 24 was executed, with the aid ol photography, by Mr. F. Anderson from the cast supplied me by Dr. Stais.

^{page 350 note 2} ‘Pictographs’ &c., p. 34 [J.H.S. xiv. p. 303].

^{page 350 note 3} The ideograph hai is a rounded stele on a base; τχη, an obelisk also on a base.

^{page 350 note 4} Theogonia v. 477 seqq. (Rhea has taken counsel with her parents Ouranos and Gaia):

^{page 351 note 1} Antichità delľ antro di Zeus Ideo, p. 216 seqq.

^{page 356 note 1} Anfänge der Kunst p. 169 Fig. 65.

^{page 356 note 2} Halbherr, and Orsi, , Antro di Zeus, &c., I Tav. xiii. 6Google Scholar.

^{page 356 note 3} Compare for example Halbherr and Orsi, op. cit. I Tav. xiii. 8. Other specimens obtained by myself are in the Ashmolean Museum. A similar knife was procured by me from a tholos tomb at Kamares on the southern slopes of Mt. Ida.

^{page 356 note 4} ‘Piotographs’ &c. p. 122, Fig. 121.

^{page 357 note 1} The returning-spiral ornament in Twelfth Dynasty Egypt was not confmed to scarabs. A dark bucchero vase found.in Egypt, of a type characteristic of that and the succeeding Thirteenth Dynasty is surrounded by a decoration of this kind inlaid with white gypsum. The returning-spiral ornament recurs on a Cretan steatite vase, resembling a Twelfth Dynasty type in hard stone, and with a similar cover, now in the collection of Dr. Julius Naue at Munich. It is also found on Egyptian cylinders and is imitated on primitive Ægean examples from Amorgos. The imitaton of similar ornament on similar objects is a strong proof of the common origin of both.

^{page 358 note 1} Od. x. 519, 520.

^{page 358 note 2} Cf. Diod. v. 70.

^{page 358 note 3} Lactantius, , De falsa Religione, 21Google Scholar, 22.

^{page 358 note 4} See below p. 386.

^{page 358 note 5} ‘Piotographs’ &c. p. 92 [J.H.S. xiv. p. 261] and cf. Table III. No. 3 p. 95 [J.H.S xiv. p. 365].

^{page 359 note 1} No. 1 is taken from Birch's edition of Bunsen, Egypt's Place in Universal History Vol. 1 p. 541Google Scholar No. 578 and cf. p. 542 No. 582. No. 2 is from De Rougé, Chrestomathie Égyptienne Pl. xiii. 36 p. 105Google Scholar.

^{page 363 note 1} See above, p. 330.

^{page 363 note 2} A good example of this Cretan type with abnormally large perforation is seen in Pictographs, &c., Fig. 36, p. 28 [297]. This seal, with linear characters, belongs to a very early class.

^{page 363 note 3} A specimen of this class, also from a tomb, excavated by Mr. Quibell at El Kab, and now in the Ashmolean Museum, apparently bears the name of Men-Kau-ra of the Fourth Dynasty.

^{page 365 note 1} This cylinder is in Professor Petrie's collection, to whose kind permission the present reproduction is due. It is of black steatite, with an exceptionally large perforation.

^{page 365 note 2} From Lajard, , Culte de Mithra, Pl. xlii. 8Google Scholar.

^{page 365 note 3} Clay cylinder in the Gizeh Museum, from De Morgan, 's Recherches sur les Origines de ľÉgypte (ii.) Fig. 857, p. 257Google Scholar.

^{page 365 note 4} Origines de ľÉgypte (ii.) Fig. 560, p. 169.

^{page 366 note 1} It appears in diminutive dimensions in the inter-spaces between the principal figures on a series of Babylonian cylinders. At times it is associated with the small image of a nude female divinity, apparently Sala, a form of Istar. (Menant, , Collection De Clercq, Pl. xxiii. 231Google Scholar, Pl. xxvii. 277; Lajard, , Culte de Mithra, Pl. xxxix. 5, Pl. xl. 9)Google Scholar. For Sala, see Nikolsky, , Rev. Arch. 1891, ii. p. 41Google Scholar, who cites a cylinder on which this name accompanies the nude female type. In this case Sala-Istar is eoupled with a nude male divinity, also of diminutive size, and identified by the inscription with Ramânu, the Syrian Rimmon. The arms of this male figure, crossed on the breast, resemble those of the prevalent Chaldean version of the type with which we are dealing, but the legs in this case are not bow-legged. The fact however that the bowlegged type is repeatedly associated with the nude Goddess, and like it occasionally appears on a kind of base of the same form, makes it probable that the diminutive and grotesque male figure was regarded as a satellite of the small female figure. This male figure occurs on cylinders of extremely archaic type (cf. especially Lajard, , Culte de Mithra, Pl. xl. 9)Google Scholar. Above it is not unfrequently seen the combined symbol of Sin and Samas, and sometimes a crescent or a star. (Menant, , Coll. De Clercq, Pl. xiv. 123)Google Scholar.

^{page 367 note 2} A parallel but variant type is seen in Bes,

^{page 367 note 1} Compare the vases, Petrie, , Naqada Pl. xxxv. 7Google Scholar and De Morgan, , Origines de ľ Égypte i. Pl. iii. 4Google Scholara.

^{page 367 note 2} Cf. the cylinder impression from the tomb of Menes, De Morgan, , Origines de ľ Égypte, ii. Fig. 560, p. 169Google Scholar, where a similar long-legged bird occurs.

^{page 367 note 3} Petrie, Naqada, Pl. lxxviii. In the Pitt Rivers collection.

^{page 367 note 4} De Morgan, , Origines, &c., i. p. 115Google Scholar, Fig. 136, and ii. Pl. v.

^{page 367 note 5} Cf. Petrie, op. cit. Pl. xlix. Fig. 62 seqq.

^{page 367 note 6} Ib. Pl. xlvii. Fig. 11.

^{page 367 note 7} In the British Museum No. 27090.

^{page 368 note 1} Examples of this form have been found at Olympia. Cf. Furtwängler, , Olympia, p. 188Google Scholar, and Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium (Berlin), No. 70. Similar types of bead-seal have been found on the site of the Heraion at Argos and in Anatolia.

^{page 370 note 1} Fig. 53.

^{page 370 note 2} χΐb=to tumble.

^{page 370 note 3} On the Cretan lentoid gem in the British Museum (Cat. No. 76, Pl. A.) published by Milchhöfer, (Anfänge der Kunst, p. 78Google Scholar, Fig. 50) the foreparts of a goat and bull are both attached to the lower part of a man. Separate figures of a goat-man and a lion-man are in my own collection. Milchhöfer himself (loc. cit.) expresses his opinion that the Minotaur type did not originate from a mere arbitrary conjunction of this kind, due to the caprice of an engraver, or, as in the case of the Chimaera, to a misunderstanding of gem perspective by later copyists. The antiquity of the horned man type in Crete seems also to show that the Mycenaean engravers in this case simply gave a new expression to an already existing idea.

^{page 370 note 1} On some unpublished gems from Crete.

^{page 371 note 1} Compare the cylinder figured in Menant, , Glyptique Orientale, vol. i. pp. 60Google Scholar, 61, Figs. 26, 27, 28. In Fig. 29 however the upper part of two coalesced goats terminates in two heads and forequarters. This type might form the startingpoint for the ‘Egypto-Libyan’ form.

^{page 371 note 2} Now in the Central Museum at Athens.

^{page 371 note 3} In my collection.

^{page 371 note 4} Double-headed animals as pendants or ornaments are also frequent in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age, perhaps spread through Mycenaean influences. (See especially Reinaeh, S., Sculpture en Europe, p. 113Google Scholarseqq.).

^{page 371 note 6} See Milchhöfer, , Anfänge der Kunst, pp. 82Google Scholar, 83 and Fig. 53. The type is placed for comparison on Table II. Another lentoid bead of steatite with the same type was observed by me at Xero in Eastern Crete.

^{page 372 note 1} To the comparative examples in Pictographs, &c., p. 58 [327], Fig. 49, I can now add others equally cogent.

^{page 373 note 1} Halévy, , Études berbères, p. 122Google Scholar.

^{page 373 note 2} Halévy, loc. cit.

^{page 373 note 3} For the modern Libyan languages see especially de Paradis, Venture, Dictionnaire berbère and the Dictionnaire français-berbère (generally known as Brosselard from the name of one of its chief collaborateurs) Paris, 1844Google Scholar. Hanoteau, A., Essai de Grammaire Kabyle (Paris, 1858Google Scholar) and Essai de Grammaire Tamachek (Paris, 1860). Barth, , Travels in North and Central Africa. v. 565Google Scholarseqq. Stanhope Freeman, H., Grammatical Sketch of the Temahuq or Towarek Language. (Ghat Dialect), (London, 1862)Google Scholar. Prof.Newman, F. W., Notes on the Libyan Languages, (R. Asiat. Soc., July, 1880)Google ScholarLibyan Vocabulary, (London, 1882) and Kabail Vocabulary (London, 1887).

^{page 374 note 1} The expression is Prof. F. W. Newman's. Others, like Renan, have preferred to apply the term ‘Hamitie’—a distinction, perhaps, without a difference.

^{page 374 note 2} See my article, Goulàs, the City of Zeus (Annual of the British School at Athens, 1895–1896), p. 188.

^{page 374 note 3} Cf. Hoeck, , Kreta, i. 109Google Scholarseqq., 143, 208 seqq., &c., Milchhoefer, , Anfänge der Kunst 129Google Scholar.

^{page 374 note 4} Herodotus, iv. 191:

^{page 375 note 1} Pindar, , Pyth. v. 82–88Google Scholar, and Schol., Pind., Pyth. v. 108Google Scholar. Cf. Studniczka, , Kyrene, pp. 129Google Scholar, 130. There was an Ἀντηνοριδῶν λόφος between Cyrene and the sea.

^{page 375 note 2} Virg., Aen. iii. 133Google Scholar, cf. Serv. ad loc. Virgil makes the Trojans come from Crete.

^{page 375 note 3} It is worth recalling that in Sicily as in Crete the archaeological evidence also points to an early ‘Trojan’ influence. A clay ‘idol,’ certain remarkable bone ornaments and several forms of clay vessels found by Prof. Orsi in ‘aeneolithic’ rock-tombs of the province of Syracuse are identical with those from the early strata of Hissarlik. (Orsi, , La necropoli Sicula di Castelluccio, Bull. di Paletn. 1892, &c. p. 1Google Scholar, seqq. Cf. Patroni, , Anthropologie, 1897, pp. 134Google Scholar, 139, 140.)

^{page 375 note 4} Diodorus, xx. 17 records of Agathoclês, See my note in Freeman's, Sicily, vol. iv. p. 419Google Scholar.

^{page 375 note 5} Thucydides vi. 2.

^{page 375 note 6} The spring Lilybaion, from which the town was named, seems to contain the Libyan word for water=lily, according to Hêsychios (s.v.). The word for ‘water’ in use among the existing Libyan dialects—Kabyle, Shilha, and Tuareg— is however amān.

^{page 375 note 7} The name is not only frequent in the Libyan sepulchral inscriptions, but under the form Didi appears as that of the father of the Libyan Prince Marmaiou, who headed the great attack of European and West Asiatic confederates on the Egypt of Menephtah. Another Didi, perhaps the son of Marmaiou (Maspero, , Hist. Anc. des peuples ďOrient, p. 266Google Scholar) fought against Ramses III.

^{page 375 note 8} Compare Oropus and the Illyrian Aeropus. The points of comparison between the early tribal and geographical names of North Africa and Italy are, perhaps, still more numerous. Compare for instance the Ausenses and Ausones, the river-name Ausere (perhaps Wed Neffetia) and the Auser, Uthina, and Vedinum (Udine), Salassii, and Salassi. The Libyan connexion with Spain is still more conspicuous.

^{page 375 note 9} Herod. iv. 150 seqq.

^{page 375 note 10} Studniezka, , Kyrene, p. 129Google Scholar.

^{page 376 note 1} Herod, iv. 154.

^{page 376 note 2} Libyka of Agroitas, Fr. h. Gr. iv. 294. See Studniczka, op. cit.. p. 127.

^{page 376 note 3} Herod. iv. 161.

^{page 376 note 4} An interesting reference to the social intercourse between the Theraean colonists and the earlier Libyan inhabitants of Cyrene is found in Kallimachos, Hymn 2, 86:

^{page 376 note 5} Halévy, , Études berbères, p. 157Google Scholar, where the form Ialaou of a bilingual inscription appears as Ιόλαος in the Greek transcription. Halévy however supposes that the connexion of Ialaou and Iolaos the son of Herakles is a mere coincidence. ‘Les grecs, ayant entendu prononcer en Libye le nom lala, Ialaou, ont été naturellement portés à y voir une de leurs divinités qui avait un nom semblable.’ But this does not explain the specially Libyan connexion of Iolaos even in Greek legend. The double ‘coincidence’ is rather too improbable.

^{page 377 note 1} Compare the Massyli and Massaesyli of the province of Carthage. Mas in the modern Berber dialects still means ‘son’ or ‘descendant’ (Tissot, , Afrique Romaine, i. p. 446Google Scholar); hence the frequency of this element in Libyan tribal and personal names.

^{page 377 note 2} Diod., Hist. iii. c 71Google Scholar.

^{page 377 note 3} Polemon, , Physiognom. lib. i. (in Scriptt. Physiognomici Veteres, ed. Franzius, J. G. F., Altenburg, 1780, p. 184Google Scholar). Polemon who was personally acquainted with Cyrenaean Greeks, could not have embraced them under the—to a Greek—barbarous designation of ‘Libyans.’ Had he done so moreover, he would in this passage have committed the further absurdity of confounding the blonde, European-like Libyan element with Negroes!

^{page 377 note 4} E.g. the adze (Pictographs, &c., No. 22), the saw (ib. No. 23), the spouted vase (ib. No, 28), and the coil (ib. No. 69).

^{page 377 note 5} See above, p. 340.

^{page 378 note 1} See below, pp. 383, 384

^{page 378 note 2} Petrie, Naqada, Pl. lii. Nos. 55, 74, 75, 76. The sign for the crown of Lower Egypt is in relief. Mr. Petrie points out (op. cit. p. 64) that this, which was the characteristic crown of the Libyan Goddess, Neit, was probably the Libyan crown generally, since its value bat corresponds with the Libyan word for king, preserved, as Herodotos records, in the Greek Battos.

^{page 378 note 3} Pictographs, &c., p. 80 [349].

^{page 379 note 1} Amélineau, E., Les Nouvelles Fouilles ďAbydos (1895–1896), Angers, 1896Google Scholar, Les Nouvelles Fouilles ďAbydos (1896–1897), Paris, 1897: De Morgan, , Recherches sur les Origines de ľÉgypte (Paris, 1896), p. 76Google Scholarseqq. The Abydos and Naqada finds and the views expressed by M. de Morgan, M. Maspero, and Mr. Petrie on the civilisation to which they belong, are discussed by Salomon Reinach, M., Le préhistorique' en Égypte ďaprès de récentes publications, Anthropologie, 1897, p. 327Google Scholarseqq. Thanks to the kindness of M. Amélineau, I have been able to inspect the greater part of the objects obtained by him during his two campaigns and thus to express an independent opinion on the bearing of these discoveries. The appearance of the second volume of M. de Morgan's Origines with the account of the royal tomb, and the essays contained in it by Professor Wiedemann and M. Jéquier have greatly strengthened the argument.

^{page 379 note 2} The contents of an intact tomb excavated by Mr. Quibell at El Kab and presented to the Ashmolean Museum by the ‘Egyptian Research Fund’ are specially important in this connexion. The tomb itself was dated by a cylinder bearing the name of King Khaires of the Second Dynasty, and in it, side by side with relics of the ‘Pharaonic’ class, were painted vases representing a late development of ‘Naqada’ types.

^{page 379 note 3} See Wiedemann, Question de ľorigine du peuple Égyptien in De Morgan, , Origines de ľÉgypte, ii. p. 219Google Scholarseqq. It will be seen that, though divergent on some other points, Professors Petrie, Maspero, and Wiedemann are agreed in attributing the culture of Naqada to a people of Libyan stock.

^{page 379 note 4} Ib. p. 221. Cf. Morgan, De, Origines, &c., i. p. 197Google Scholar they are depicted with flat heads and red beard.

^{page 380 note 1} De ľorigine des Égyptiens et sur quelques-uns de leurs usages remontants à ľage de la pierre (Extrait du Bulletin de la Société Khédiviale de Géographie, iv. Série No. 12 (1897), p. 16 seqq. Dr. Schweinfurth points out that the materials of many of these vases point to the crystalline region east of the Upper Nile, and shows that something of this early industry still survives among the Bishareen and Ababdehs. The crystal bowls from Abydos are the most remarkable of all.

^{page 380 note 2} See especially Petrie, , Naqada, p. 62Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 380 note 3} Actual vases of obsidian were found in the tomb of Menes (De Morgan, , Origines, &c., ii. p. 180Google Scholar, Figs. 625–627). Obsidian, however, is also found in Armenia (op. cit. p. 174).

^{page 380 note 4} Petrie, Naqada.

^{page 380 note 5} Dr.Wolters, (Mitth. d. Arch. Inst. in Athen. 1892, p. 52Google Scholarsegg.), who considered that the engraving simply indicated painting. But Dr.Blinkenberg, , Praemykeniske Oldsager, p. 42Google Scholarseqq. (Antiquités prémycéniennes, p. 46 seqq.), has demonstrated the much greater probability that we have here to do with tattoo-marks. In the red streaks on the forehead and beneath the eyes of a large head from Amorgos (Wolters, l.c. p. 46) I have ventured to see the bloody nail-marks of a mourner. Dr. Blinkenberg, however (loc. cit.), regards these also as tattoo-marks

^{page 380 note 6} Schöne, , Museo Bocchi, No. 167, Pl. 3, 2Google Scholar; Blinkenberg, op. cit. p. 43.

^{page 380 note 7} Op. cit. p. 44. One of these instruments, found with marble ‘idols’ in a tomb at Amorgos, is in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 380 note 8} De Morgan, , Origines, &c. vol. i. p. 151Google Scholar, Fig. 373; reproduced vol. ii. p. 54, Fig. 111. I am indebted to M. de Morgan's work for the representation given in Fig. 33.

^{page 380 note 9} A slight bending of the knee is however visible in a marble figure from Phaestos; (see my Sepulchral Deposit of Hagios Onuphrios near Phaestos, in Cretan Pictographs, &c. (Quaritch] 1895), p. 126, Fig. 129.

^{page 381 note 1} See op. cit. p. 129; Petrie, , Naqada, pp. 13Google Scholar, 34.

^{page 381 note 2} I ascertained this fact during a journey, in the spring of 1897, to the Constantine borders of Sahara. My thanks are specially due to Captain Farge, of the Bureau Arabe at Constantine, and to the engineer, M. Jus, at Batna, who had found flint rings, such as those described above, in the Neolithic settlements explored by him while making the artesian wells in the Wed Rir. These, together with exquisitely worked flint arrow-heads and other implements, were found embedded in layers of broken ostrich-eggs. The flint rings are not mentioned in M. Jus' earlier report on these discoveries, Stations préhistoriques de ľOued Rir. (Rev. ďEthnographie, 1887). The stations extend beyond Wargla.

^{page 382 note 1} Cf. Bertholon, , Exploration Anthropologique de la Khoumirie, p. 66Google Scholar; Carton, , La Nécropole de Bulla Regia Bull. Arch. 1890)Google Scholar, etc.

^{page 382 note 2} Diod. v. 18. Cf. Wiedemann (in De Morgan, , Origines, &c., ii. p. 221Google Scholar).

^{page 382 note 3} Below the akropolis site of Takrouna was a broken limestone vessel of this kind not far from the village well. In the garden of the neighbouring village of Dar-el-Bey was placed another of the same kind, and probably from the same locality. The characteristic features of these—the conical cavity and ear-like ledgehandles are identical with those of the Cretan vessels (see Goulàs, the City of Zeus, in the Annual of the British School at Athens, 1895–1896, pp. 189, 190. For the general form of the Libyan vessels, compare Fig. 11. The ears are seen better in Fig. 12.

^{page 382 note 4} Cf, Petrie, , Naqada, p. 63Google Scholar.

^{page 382 note 5} An interesting triple vase of similar ware and primitive fabric is preserved in the Museum at Valetta.

^{page 383 note 1} History of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the Fifteenth Dynasty, pp. 13, 14.

^{page 383 note 2} A clear instance of this may be seen in the rude linear ka-sign, Petrie, Naqada, Pl. lv. No. 319.

^{page 384 note 1} See below, pp. 394, 395.

^{page 385 note 1} In representing the Naqada signs I have eliminated tentative scratches due to want of skill in the engraver, and adhered to the essential outlines.

^{page 385 note 2} The Egyptian forms there given were taken from the pottery discovered by Mr. Petrie at Kahun and Gurob, and were then described as ‘Aegean Signs found in Egypt.’ In view of the new evidence, especially that of Naqada, this description must be definitely abandoned. In Table iv. they are called ‘Egypto-Libyan or proto-Egyptian’ signs.

^{page 387 note 1} Cf. Gesenius, Monumenta Phoeniciae, Tab. xlviii. Saulcy, De, Observations sur ľAlphabet Tifinag, Journ. As. 1849, p. 247Google Scholarseqq. Judas, Études Phéniciens, Pl. xxxi. The inscription fixed into the façade of a Mausoleum of a Libyan Prince, remained in situ at Dougga till 1842, when the British Consul-General at Tunis, Th. Read, ruined the whole wall of the monument in order to obtain possession of it. At his death it was sold, and it is now in the British Museum. See Gauckler, P.ľArchéologie de la Tunisie, p. 13Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 387 note 2} Faidherbe, , Inscriptions Numidiques, Paris, 1870Google Scholar. Halévy, , Études berbères, Journal Asiatique, 1874Google Scholar (Ser. vii. T. iii. p. 73–203; T. iv. p. 369–416); Letourneaux, , Du déchiffrement des Inscriptions Libyco-Berbères (Fourth International Congress of Orientalists, Florence, 1878), vol. i. p. 57Google Scholarseqq.; and the papers in the Recueil des Notices et Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de la Province de Constantine, notably those by Dr. A. Judas (T. xiii. p. 69 seqq. T. xiv. p. 293 seqq.) Dr. V. Rebout (T. xvii. p. 55seqq., Pl. I.—XII.; T. xix. p. 211 seqq., Pl. VI.—XIV.).

^{page 387 note 3} Some of these may now be seen in the Museum of the Bardo.

^{page 388 note 1} See Travels and Discoveries in Northern Africa in 1822, 1823, and 1824 by Major Denham, F.R.S., Captain Clapperton and the late Dr. Oudney, London, John Murray, 1826,Vol. I. pp. xlvi., xlvii., lxxxvii., lxxxviii.

^{page 388 note 2} For the Tuareg or Berber Script and comparisons with the ancient Libyan see especially Saulcy, De, Observations sur ľAlphabet Tifinag, Journ. Asiat. 1849, p. 247Google Scholarseqq.; Hanoteau, A., Essai de Grammaire de la Langue Tamachek, p. 3Google Scholarseqq. Letourneaux, , IVth Congress of Orientalists, Vol. I. p. 57Google Scholarseqq. Judas, , De ľ Écriture Libyco-Berbère, Rev. Arch. N. S. vi. 1862Google Scholar. Tissot, , Province Romaine ďAfrique, I. p. 517Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 388 note 3} An exception is found in ⊙, ⊡, equivalent to B in the old script, but now representing S.

^{page 388 note 4} The Tifinagh script is known to be still in use in the Ahaggar range of Sahara. It seems to have been also current within recent times in Morocco. M. Tissot was informed that MSS. of the Koran in the Berber alphabet existed in the Rif Mountains. Tissot, , Province Romaine ď Afrique I. 527Google Scholar.

^{page 388 note 5} Op. cit. I. p. lxxxvii. ‘On almost every stone in places they frequent, the Tuarick characters are hewn out. It matters nothing whether the letters are written from right to left, or vice versa, or written horizontally.’ As this last position is meant to be different from the others it is obvious that ‘horizontally,’ is here a slip for ‘vertically’ or in upright columns.

^{page 388 note 6} Meltzer, , Geschichte der Karthager, I. p. 438Google Scholar n. 26, in view of the ‘strong geometrical constructive character’ of the Libyan alphabet suggests that it was a creation of Massinissa, in furtherance of his national Numidian policy. But it appears to go back at any rate considerably before his date.

^{page 388 note 7} As for instance the forms of the A, I, S and T.

^{page 388 note 8} Dr.Taylor, Isaac, The Alphabet (1883), Vol. I. p. 153Google Scholar observes that ‘in many respects the Libyan agrees curiously with the South Semitic Alphabets.’

Dr.Judas, De ľÉcriture Libyco-Berbère. Revue Archéologique, N. S. VI. (1862) p. 167Google Scholar, compares Himyaritic and Ethiopian forms.

^{page 390 note 1} E.g. Pictographs &c., Figs. 21b, 24b, 25b, 30b, 30c, and Fig. 32a, b, c, d, and in the present series Figs. 5a, 9b, and 22. In other cases the arrangement is still more irregular, recalling that of Hittite inscriptions.

^{page 390 note 2} Op. cit. Vol. I. p. xlvi.

^{page 391 note 1} Compare the figures on the whorls represented in Schliemann's Ilios Nos. 1867, 1879 1886, 1903 and 1912. The ornamental character of the zones on the Hissarlik whorls and the constantly occurring repetitions of what are really only variants of the same figure all round the whorl make it difficult to recognise in those of the primitive class any definite ‘inscriptions.’ Nevertheless the analogy which Professors Gomperz, Haug and Sayce have pointed out between certain Trojan signs and those of the Cypriote and Anatolian syllabaries can hardly be gainsaid.

^{page 391 note 2} Examples of these inscribed figures on the ‘Piedra Escrit’ near Fuencaliente are given by Manuel, DonGóngora y Martinez, , Antigüedades prehistoricas de Andalucia, pp. 65—67Google Scholar. The same reduction of the quadruped to 4 lines is perceptible. The Andalusian signs afford a very close comparison with those of the ‘Written Stones’ (‘Hadjra Mektouba’), described by M. Flamand, in the south of the Oran Province of Algeria, , Anthropologie, 1897, p. 285Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 392 note 1} See Mr. C. Bicknelľs communication to the Society of Antiquaries, Dec. 9, 1897; Athenaeum Dec. 18. These figures as is shown by the appearance of the halberd with three rivets go back to the early Bronze Age (see my observations Athenaeum, loc. cit.)

^{page 392 note 2} See M. D'Acy's account of these discoveries.

^{page 392 note 3} Lucan, , Pharsalia, III. 220Google Scholar.