¹ The relation needs to be elucidated, especially where the early renaissance period is concerned. McManamon's, John M. excellent Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill and London, 1989)Google Scholar is not much concerned with this particular problem.

² The Forschungsstelle f. Personalschriften, at the Philipps-Universität Marburg.

³ See Leichenpredigten als Quelle historischer Wissenschaften (i, Vienna, ii and iii, Marburg, 1975–1984), ed. Lenz, R.Google Scholar. For bibliography on the whole history of funeral and memorial preaching, see Lenz, , Leichenpredigten, Eine Bestandsaufnahme. Bibliographie und Ergebnisse einer Umfrage (Marburger Personalschriften-Forschungen Bd. 3; Marburg, 1980)Google Scholar. An attempt to bring this up to date would be out of place here, but the following deserve special mention: Kierdorf, W., Laudalio funebris. Interpretationen und Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung der römischen Leichenrede (Meisenheim am Glan, 1980) (Profdrew, M. Crawford my attention to this)Google Scholar; Powell, S. and Fletcher, A.J., ‘“In die sepulture seu trigintali”: the Late Medieval Funeral and Memorial Sermon’, Leeds Studies in English, new series, xii (1981) pp. 195–228Google Scholar; McManamon, J. M., ‘Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: the Oratory of Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder’, Rinasdmento, second series, xxii (1982), 3–32Google Scholar, and Funeral Oratory (cited above, note 1).

⁴ Benson, Edward White, D.D., SALPISEI, A Memorial Sermon preached after the death of the Right Reverend James Prince Lee, D.D. … in his parish church of Heaton Mersey, Manchester (London and Manchester, 1870)Google Scholar.

⁵ Benson, 7–8.

⁶ Benson, 9.

⁶ Benson, 19–20.

⁸ McManamon's Funeral Oratory (cited above note 1) is concerned with ideas about roles rather than with the verbal depiction of individuality, which deserves further study. His invaluable ‘Finding List’ of renaissance funeral orations would facilitate such an investigation.

⁹ The sermon is printed in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. Muratori, L., xvi (Milan, 1730), cols. 1038–1050Google Scholar. Cf. McManamon, , ‘Innovation …’, 20 and note 2Google Scholar; he points out that the sermon is ‘thematic’: i.e., not ‘classicizing’ in the new humanist manner which he analyses in this article.

¹⁰ Muratori, xvi, col. 1043. Pietro says that Giangaleazzo showed his prudence by distinguishing between the good things of this world, and the things above the heavens, and inferring that ‘… si carcer Mundi hujus pulcher est, patria, civitas, & domus qualis est?’ The immediately preceding description of the joys of this life is so eloquent as to make the argument (whether or not Giangaleazzo expressed it) a not ineffective way of conveying the idea of heaven. I have the impression that the real focus of Pietro's attention moved away from Giangaleazzo's virtues when developing this point.

¹¹ Muratori, xvi, cols 1046–8. The section also lists Giangaleazzo's distinguished relations from great dynasties of his own time; and tells Milan and Pavia that they should show gratitude (for all he had done to restore their greatness) by their obedience to his successors. Dynastic greatness seems to be the general theme of the section; obviously it was not unrelated to virtue.

¹² Muratori, xvi, cols 1048–9: e.g. ‘ubi sunt Caesares alque Reges … Ubi nunc satellites armati …’?

¹³ have used a copy in the British Library, press mark C. 25. k. 6, inc. ‘This sermon folowynge was compyled & sayd in the Cathedrall chyrche of saynte Poule … the body beynge present of the moost famouse prynce kynge Henry the. vii. …’ (de Worde, Wynkyn; London, 1509)Google Scholar. The sermon is discussed at length in Stafford, William S., ‘Repentance on the Eve of the English Reformation: John Fisher's Sermons of 1508 and 1509’, Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, liv (1985), 297–338Google Scholar (I am grateful to Maria Dowling, who has in hand a study of Fisher, for making a copy of this article available to me).

¹⁴ Fisher, fo. 12' (I ignore the numbers in the book, which are not consecutive folio numbers). This is from the summary at the end of the sermon. The section in question is on fos. 6^r–8^v.

¹⁵ It is extended to all Christian souls: ‘And or we procede ony ferder of our psalme let vs here deuoutly and affectually saye for his soule and all crysten soules euery of vs one pater noster.’ Fisher, fo. 8^v.

¹⁶ The main headings are summarised on fo. 12^r: ‘…/fyrst for that he hath so mercyfull a lorde and god/seconde for that he is taken in to his tuicyon and custody/thyrde for that he is now delyuered from so many perylles/fourth for that he shall from hens forwarde contynue in the gracyous fauour of almyghty god. …’

¹⁷ Fisher, fo. 2^v.

¹⁸ Fisher, 3^v.

¹⁹ For the reference to Lent see Fisher, fo. 5^v.

²⁰ On the Byzantine East see Sideras, A., ‘Byzantinische Leichenreden. Bestand, Prosopographie, zeitliche und räumliche Distribution, literarische Form und Quellenwert’, in Lenz, , Leichenpredigten iii, 17–49Google Scholar (summarising Sideras's own unpublished Habilitationsschrift).

²¹ On late Antiquity and the earlier Middle Ages see Jürgensmeier, F., ‘Die Leichenpredigt in der katholischen Begräbnisfeier’, in Lenz, , Leichenpredigten i, 122–45, at 125–9Google Scholar.

²² McManamon, ‘Innovation …’ cited above (note 3) and Funeral Oratory, cited above, (Note 1).

²³ See Woltersdorf, Th. in Greifswald, , ‘Zur Geschichte der Leichenreden im Mittelalter’, Zeitschrift für praktische Theologie, vi (1884), 359–365Google Scholar (I am grateful to Martin Camargo for procuring a xerox of this for me), and Saulnier, Verdun L., ‘L'Oraison funèbre au XVI^e siècle’, Bibliothèque d' Humanisme et Renaissance x (1948), 124–57Google Scholar.

²⁴ See e.g. Lenz, R., ‘Leichenpredigten—Eine Quellengattung’, Blatter für deutsche Landesgeschichte III. Jahrgang (1975), 15–30Google Scholar.

²⁵ I have attempted something similar in ‘The Gospel of the Marriage Feast at Cana and Marriage Preaching in France’, in The Bible in the Medieval World: essays in memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, K. and Wood, D. (Studies in Church History. Subsidia 4; Oxford, 1985), 207–24Google Scholar (comparing the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries).

²⁶ For a good introduction to the genre in this period, see McManners, J., Death and the Enlightenment. Changing Attitudes to Death among Christians and Unbelievers in Eighteenth-century France (Oxford, 1981), 288–91Google Scholar.

²⁷ For the evidential value of abridged sermons, see d'Avray, , The Preaching of the Friars. Sermons diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985), 129, 172Google Scholar.

²⁸ On Juan d'Aragon see Ferrando, J. Ernesto Martinez, Jaime II de Aragon. Su vida familiar (2 vols.) (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones cientílficas, Escuela de Estudios Medievales, Estudios ix and x; Barcelona, 1948), i, 141–151Google Scholar. I have so far been unable to obtain de Janer, Ignacio, El patriarca Don Juan de Aragon, su vida y sus obras (1301–1334) (Tarragona, 1904)Google Scholar, which, to judge by entry no. NJ 0042366 in the U.S. National Union Catalogue, was printed in only 100 copies.

²⁹ The sermon survives in Valencia Cathedral MS. 182 fo. 128^vb–129^ra; it is no. 257 under de Aragon, Johannes in Schneyer, J. B., Repertorium d. lateinischen Sermones des mittelalters für die geit von 1150–1350 (Münster Westfalen, 1969—) iii, 314Google Scholar.

³⁰ ‘Spiritus domini rapuit Philippum et inuentus est in Azoto Act. viii⁰ (40). Tria describuntur: diuine uoluntatis adimplecio: Spiritus domini; mundane calamitatis euasio: rapuit Philippum; superne felicitatis adepcio: et inuentus est in Azoto.’ Valencia MS 182 fo. 128^vb.

³¹ His language may be more theologically technical than my translation suggests: ‘Rapuit eum Christus de: luto criminalis corrupcionis per graciam iustificantem; bello hostilis temptacionis per graciam adiuvantem; puteo penalis affliccionis per graciam glorificantem.’ Valencia MS. 182 fo. 128^vb.

³² The sub-section includes some remarks about Philip's character: ‘… fuit pulcher in corpore et in anima, quia abstinens, quia elemosinarius, quia auditor officii et predicationum, quia habebat semper confessorem specialem &c. Item fuit verus et taciturnus in sermonibus, mansuetus in moribus: exemplum de domina provinciali que vocavit eum mutum; et iustus in expeditionibus seu operibus.’ Salvadori, G. and Federici, V., ‘I Sermoni d'Occasione, le Sequenze e i Ritmi di Remigio Girolami Fiorentino’, in Scritti vari di Filologia: A Ernesto Monad gli scolari. 1876–1901 (Rome, 1901), 455–508, at 492Google Scholar. The emphasis on the king's pious practices and taciturnity hits the mark, but the allusion to his mildness is surprising (E. Panella tells me that he and another have in hand an edition and study of this and the other de diversis sermons.)

³³ Salvadori and Federici, 492.

³⁴ This must be the sermon on the text Omnis potentatus brevis vita (Eccli. 10: II), Schneyer, , Repertorium v, 94, no. 453Google Scholar. The sermon is in Florence Nazionale Conv. soppr. MS.G.4.936, fos. 379^va–381^va.

³⁵ In the sermon on Philip (Salvadori and Federici, 492), he merely says ‘expone sicut expositum est supra de papa Clemente super eodem temate illud Iob. xiii.: “Homo natus” &c …’, but the passage is in fact from chapter 14; the whole of the first two verses are expounded in the sermon on Clement (Florence Naz. Conv. soppr. MS. G.4.936 fos. 380^vb–381^va).

³⁶ The passage beginning ‘3⁰ quantum ad uiuendi modicitatem, quia bre(uis) u(iuit) t(empore) …’ and ending ‘“Momentaneum est omne quod finem habet.”’ (fo. 381^ra).

³⁷ Salvadori and Federici, 492.

³⁸ ‘et addas exemplum Valerii lib. .vii. de rege subtilis iudicii, …’ Salvadori, and Federici, , 492Google Scholar; the reference seems to be to Lib. VII cap. II, 5 p. 329 (Valerii Maximi Actorum et Dictorum Memorabilium Libri Novem ed. C. Kempf (Teubner; Leipzig, 1888), p. 329).

³⁹ ‘item quomodo dicitur Act. viii. quod Philippus inventus est in Azoto, quod interpretatur incendium: est enim incendium in vita ista peccati mortalis et venialis et caritatis; et est incendium in alia, scilicet inferni quod redditur primo, et purgatorii quod redditur secundo, et paradisi quod redditur tertio. …’ (Salvadori, and Federici, , 492–3)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Cf.abovenote32.

⁴¹ In Rome, Angelica MS.158, fos. 157^rb/^vb. Since space is limited, and I hope to discuss this and other sermons on Edward fully elsewhere without too much delay, I will merely give folio references, without transcriptions, to the passages I translate or paraphrase in the text. For a brief description of the whole manuscript and its contents, see Ministeri, B., ‘De Augustini de Ancona, O.E.S.A. (†1328) Vita et Operibus’, Analecta Augustiniana xxii (Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1952), 7–56, 148–262, at 225 and 226–31Google Scholar. Schneyer, , Repertorium i, 374Google Scholar, lists the de mortuis collection to which this sermon belongs under Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona, but there is not much evidence for such an attribution: see Ministeri, 225.

⁴² fo. 157^rb.

⁴³ fo. 157^rb/^vb.

⁴⁴ fo. 157^vb.

⁴⁵ fo. 157^vb.

⁴⁶ fo. 157^vb.

⁴⁷ Here I should admit that my investigation has been far less systematic, though the findings are so uniform as to give me confidence in the conclusions.

⁴⁸ On Anselme, , see Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, ii (Paris, 1936), cols. 1429–30Google Scholar. For convenience I have used the edition of the sermon in Migne, J. P., Collection intégrate el universelle des oraleurs sacrées tome xxi (Paris, 1845), cols. 179–203Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ col. 181.

⁵⁰ col. 181. I have transposed from the present continuous.

⁵¹ cols. 181–189.

⁵² cols. 189–196.

⁵³ cols. 196–203.

⁵⁴ This practice may go back to the thirteenth century; but in the Middle Ages it was closely linked to the citation and interpretation of scriptural authorities, which can make the course of the sermon hard to guess from the division.

⁵⁵ On Fellon see the Dictionnaire de biographie française, xiii (Paris, 1975), cols. 974–5Google Scholar. I have read it in a Recueil de plusieur oraisons funebres de Louis XIV, Roy de France, etc. 2 vols. (1716) B.L. Press Mark 236Google Scholar. b. 30.

⁵⁶ I paraphrase from Recueil, i, 147–8.

⁵⁷ Recueil, i, 148.

⁵⁸ On Clément, , see Dictionnaire de Biographie Française, viii (Paris, 1959) col. 1438Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ I have used the text in Migne, , Or. sacr. lv, cols. 489–510Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Davies, N., God's Playground. A History of Poland (Oxford, 1981), i, 508Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Migne, , Or. sacr., lv, at 491Google Scholar.

⁶² H. R. Jauss, ‘Literaturgeschichte als Provokation der Literaturwissenschaft’, reprinted in Rezeptionsästhetik. Theorie und Praxis, ed. R. Warning (Munich, 1975), 126–62, at 130–33.

⁶³ On these and other functions of a fifteenth century altarpiece see Baxandall, M., Patterns of Intention. On the Historical Explanation of Pictures (New Haven and London, 1985), 106Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Jauss, , ‘Literaturgeschichte …’, 133–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Sermon on the text In uirtute tua, domine … (Ps. 20: 1), Rome, Angelica MS. 158 fo. 158^ra/^b.

⁶⁶ The symmetry might have been restored if the preacher had argued in the general section that mutability, though a penalty of sin, can be turned to the good as a medium in which virtue is exercised.

⁶⁷ Rome, Angelica MS. 158, fo. 158^ra. The happiness in this life is taken by the preacher to include God's help when Edward was in danger, as well as divine help in his spiritual growth.

⁶⁸ Houdry, V., La Bibliothèque des prédicateurs, xxii (‘contenant l'eloquence chrétienne dans l'idée et dans la pratique’) (Lyons, 1741), 243Google Scholar. On p. 241, however, he says that ‘C'est qu'une Oraison funebre n'est que pour la gloire des morts, & pour le plaisir des vivans; c'est là sa principale, & presque son unique fin …’. The earlier remark should presumably be interpreted in the light of the later one, but there is still a certain tension within his account of the oraison funèbre, perhaps because of disagreements about its ends.

⁶⁹ Recueil, ii, 287–346.

⁷⁰ ‘Quelques hautes idées que puissent nous donner d'un Roi ses Vertus militaires ou politiques, la rapidité de ses Conquêtes ou la sagesse de son Gouvernement; nous ne Sçaurions être autorisez à le louër dans la Chaire de verité que la Pieté et la Religion n'ayent relevé l'éclat & la Majesté de son Trone.’ Recueil, ii, 328–9Google Scholar (and the passage which follows).

⁷¹ Recueil, ii, 304–5.

⁷² Recueil, ii 307.

⁷³ Recueil, ii 345.

⁷⁴ Recueil, ii 139–80.

⁷⁵ Recueil, ii 151–3.

⁷⁶ Recueil, ii 153–5.

⁷⁷ Recueil, ii 155–6.

⁷⁸ I paraphrase and abridge Recueil, 156–7.

⁷⁹ Recueil, ii, 174.

⁸⁰ Recueil, 181–246, esp. 187–8 and 203–4.

⁸¹ I have used the text in Oraisons funèbres choisies de Mascaron, Bourdaloue, La Rue et Massillon, (Paris, 1802) (no editors name on title page), 291–351Google Scholar.