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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
The national church of Armenia has enjoyed an autonomous status within the community of Christian churches since the late fourth century. At that time King Pap broke its ties with Caesarea of Cappadocia, the city in which Gregory the Illuminator, the apostle of Armenia, had received his mandate and consecration. Thereafter the hierarchy of the church was chosen within the nation according to its own rules. The head of the church, the catholicos, was the chief bishop of the Armenians and, like the kingship, the catholicate became an hereditary office according to a custom established by Gregory himself.
1. It was called simply “the Armenian church,” Hay Ekqhetsi, in Armenian. General histories of the church in English include: Ormanian, M., The Church of Armenia (London, 1955),Google Scholar and Arpee, L., A History of Armenian Christianity from the Beginnings to Our Own Time (New York, 1946).Google Scholar The two major works in Armenian are those of Ormanian, Malachia, Azkabadoum [National History], 3 vols. (Constantinople and Jerusalem, 1912–1917),Google Scholar and Kogian, L. S., Hayots Ekeghetsin [The Armenian Church] (Beirut, 1961).Google Scholar The most recent work is by Mécérian, L., Histoire et institutions de l'Eglise arménienne (Beirut, 1965).Google Scholar
2. Tournebize, H. F., “Arménie,” Dictionnaire d'historie et géographie ecolesiastique, 4: 290–310Google Scholar; Sarkissian, K., The Council of Chalcedon and the Armenian Church (London, 1965), p. 171 ff.Google Scholar See also Inglisian, V., “Chalkedon und die armenische Kirche,” in Das Kouzil von Chalkedon, ed. Grillmeier, A. and Bacht, H., 2 vols. (Wurzburg, 1953), 2:361–417.Google Scholar In 506 at the Council of Dvin, Chalcedon was officially rejected. The sources for Armenian theology may be found in Jugie, M., Theologia Dogmatica Christianorun Orientalium ab Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium (Paris, 1935), 5:478–489.Google Scholar
3. Touniebize, H. F., Histoire politique et religieuse de l'Arménie (Paris, 1910), pp. 183 ff.Google Scholar; Grousset, R., Histoire de l'Arménie des origins à 1071 (Paris, 1947), pp. 635 ff.Google Scholar
4. Matthew, of Edessa, Chronicle, 2. 93,Google Scholar in Bibliotheque historique Arménienno ou choix des prinoipaux historiens Armeniens, ed. E. Dulaurier (Paris, 1858), p. 133.Google Scholar
5. Toumanoff, C., “Armenia and Georgia,” in The Byzantine Empire, ed. Huasey, J. M., new ed., vol. 4, pt. 2Google Scholar of Cambridge Medievai History, 8 vole. (Cambridge, 1924–1936), pp. 629–630Google Scholar; Ostrogorsky, G., History of the Byzantine State, rev. ed. (New Bninswick, 1969), pp. 345–347Google Scholar; Grousset, R., L'Empire du Levant (Paris, 1948), pp. 161–163.Google Scholar On Byzantine Armenian relations see Charanis, P., The Armenians in the Byzantine Empire (Lisbon, 1963)Google Scholar; Der Neressian, S.Armenia and the Byzantine Empire (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1947),Google Scholar and Toumanoff, C. “Caucasia and Byzantium,” Traditio 27 (1971): 111–147.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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8. The custom of using wine unmixed with water in the Eucharist dates from the Council of Manzikert In 651. “Who was crucified for us” was first inserted into the Antiochene liturgy by the Patriarch Peter the Fuller after 464 and was eventually adopted by all churches which rejected Chalcedon.
9. Gregory VII to Archbishop Gregory, 6 June 1080 in Patrologiac oursus completus: Series Latina, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, 1878–1890), 148, col. 571Google Scholar (hereafter FL). That Pope Gregory considered the Armenian and Roman churches to be in union is demonstrated by a letter to the Bishop of Benevento. In it he charged the Latin prelate not to admit to the sacraments an Armenian excommunicated by the catholicos. PL, 148, col. 570.
10. Matthew of Edessa says that Gregory Vkayaser had gone to personally, Rome “to venerate the relics of the holy apostles Peter and Paul,” Chrondoic, 2. 108,Google Scholar in Bibliothèquc p. 172. Many authors followed him in this unlikaly opinion.
11. Vrlea, W. de, Rom und die Patriarchate des Ostens (Munich, 1963), p. 14Google Scholar; Balgy, A., Historia doctriae catholiae inter Armenos unionsque eorum oum Ecclesia Romana on Concilio Florentino (Vienna, 1878), pp. 59–60.Google Scholar There was a later legend based on a pseudographic document of the thirteenth century that Gregory the Illuminator had met with ope Sylvceter. Despite the use of this story by Armenians and the papacy as late as the twentieth century, the account must be rejected as spurious.
12. Fuleher, of Chartres, , A History of the Expedition to Jerusalem, 1. 5, tr. Ryan, Frances (Knoxville, 1969), p. 89.Google Scholar
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18. Matthew, of Edessa, , Chronicle, 2. 20,Google Scholar in RHC: Doc. Arm., 1: 70–71.Google Scholar
19. Various other dates are given for his death—this is the one given in Rüdt-Collenberg, The Rupeaides, chart 4. Grousset, , L'Empirc, p. 386,Google Scholar dates his death June 3. leadership
20. Matthew, of Edessa, , Chronicle, 2. 87,Google Scholar in RHC: Doo. Arm., 1:75.Google Scholar
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23. Tournebize, H., Histoirs politique, p. 167Google Scholar; Grousset, , L'Empire, p. 408.Google Scholar Some historians of the Council have argued that the synod made a concession to the monasteries of old Armenia, promising their confirmation would be necessary in subsequent elections. No documentary proof exists, however. See Terzian, M. J., Le patriarcat de Cilicie et les Armén Catholiques. (1710.1812) (Beirut, 1955), p. 12.Google Scholar
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27. History,. RHC: Doc Arm., 1:417–418Google Scholar; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, 16–10, in Chabot, 8:255.
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33. Tournebize, , Histoire, p. 238Google Scholar; Der Nersessian, , “Cilician Armenia,” p. 64.Google Scholar
34. Hebraeus, Bar, Chronography, 328,Google Scholar in Budge, p. 287.
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36. The Elegy and his other works are to be found in RHC: Doc. Arm., 1.
37. Quoted in “II Primato e l'unione delle chiese nd Medio Oriente,” Studia Orientalia Christiana, Collectanea (Cairo, 1960), 5:246Google Scholar; Ch'aneh'ian, M., History of Armenia, tr. Avdail, John (Calcutta, 1827), 2:199.Google Scholar This work translates his three volume work, Patmaut'iun Hayots [History of the Armenians], 3 vols. (Venice, 1784–1786).Google Scholar
38. Nersessian, Der, Armenia, pp. 43–48Google Scholar; Tdkéyan, P., Controverses christologiques en Armewcliceie dans la second rnoitié the XIIe siecle (1165–1198), vol. 124 of Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome, 1939), p. 14Google Scholar; Balgy, , Historia doctrinae, pp. 40–47.Google Scholar
39. Chalandon, , Lea Comnènzes, 2 656–657Google Scholar; Tournebize, , Histoire, p. 246Google Scholar. The text of the discussion is given in Mansi, , Bacrorurn Coniliorum, 22:37–120,Google Scholar and in Balgy, , Historia doctrinae, pp. 220–258Google Scholar; Michael, the Syrian, , Chronwie, 19.5,Google Scholar in Chabot, 3: 335.
40. Chalandon, , Lea Commènes, 2:637–659Google Scholar; Nersessian, Der, Armenia, pp. 47–49Google Scholar; Balgy, Historia doctrinae, prints the correspondence. Tex-Mikelian, A., Die Armenisehe Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zur Byzantinisohen (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 88–92.Google Scholar
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43. Ch'arnch'iau, , History, 2:201 ff.Google Scholar
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45. Chakmakjian, H., Armenian Christology and Ike Eangelization of Islam (Leiden, 1965), p. 18;Google ScholarChalandon, , Les Comnènes, 2:659–660.Google Scholar
46. The distinction between archbishop and bishop was due to Latin influences. Vardapets are a class of celibate theologians found uniquely in the Armenian church. The number of monasteries in Cilicia was sixty, the Syrian Jacobi-tea had three. Alishan, , Sissouan, p. 68.Google Scholar In this same year Pope Alexander III summoned the Third Lateran Council.
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49. This is found in RHC: Doc. Arm., 1:569–578.Google Scholar
50. Abu, Shama, Two Gardens, in RHC: Doc. Or., 4:211–213Google Scholar; Annals of Abou 'i-Feda, 49, in RHC: Doc. Or., 4:644.Google Scholar The Muslims cailed Cilieia “land of the son of Leo.” At this time Ruben was forced to pay tribute and release some Turkoman captives.
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52. Tékéyan, , Controverse, p. 52.Google Scholar
53. Vardan, , Universal History, in RHC: Doc. Arm., 1:438.Google Scholar
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55. Quoted in Alishan, C., Léon le Magnifique, ed. Baian, C. (Venice, 1888), p. 161.Google Scholar
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58. The letter is in Shania, Abu, Two Gardens, in RHC: Doc. Or., 4:435–436,Google Scholar and in ed-Din, Beha, Anecdotes and Virtues of the Life of Sultan Yussuf, in RHC: Doc. Or., 3:164–166.Google Scholar
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60. Aliahan, , Léon, pp. 104–108.Google Scholar
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63. Timothy the Cat was the Monophysite bishop of Alexandria; Severus bela the see of Antioch and was the most able of Monophysito theologians of the sixth century.
64. Mansi, , Sacrorum Coneiliorum, 22:197–204.Google Scholar
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67. Kirakos, of Ganja, , History, in RHC: Doe. Arm., 1:422–423.Google Scholar He is writing seventy years after the event.
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70. Mécérian, , Histoire, p. 108Google Scholar; Nersessian, Der, “Cilician Armenia,” pp. 647–650.Google Scholar The date for Leo's coronation is given as 1199 in Sempad but other chroniclers are in agreement that 1198 is the proper date. For a discussion on this matter, see Nersessian, Der, Armenia, p. 647, n.Google Scholar
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73. The entire letter is contained in RHC: Doc. Arm., 1:79 ff. This passage is on p. 587. Nerses' relations to the popes can be reviewed in Studia Orientalia Christiana, 5:253–255.Google Scholar
