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Alexander's Sacrifice dis praesidibus loci before the Battle of Issus*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

J. D. Bing
J. D. Bing
Affiliation:
Department of History The University of Tennessee, Knoxville
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Extract

On a fall night before Issus in 333 BC, we are told by Curtius Rufus, Alexander ascended by torchlight to the summit of a lofty mountain, and in accordance with ancestral custom performed sacrifices to the chief guardian deities of the place: an intriguing historical remnant, the more challenging because Curtius provides no other details, and no other Alexander account gives reliable information about this particular display of piety. Consequently the gods in question remain unknown. The purpose of this study is to establish the likelihood that Alexander did in fact perform these rites, and to determine the probable identities of the deities in the light of what is known about religious cults at Issus before he arrived.

Type
Notes
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 111 , November 1991 , pp. 161 - 165
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1991

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References

1 Curtius iii 8.22: ‘Ipse in iugum editi montis escendit multisque collucentibus facibus patrio more sacrificium dis praesidibus loci fecit’. The deities enumerated in POxy 1798 can be dismissed as unhistorical. See F. Jacoby's comment: FGrH 148, F44, col 2. For the chronology of Issus, see Arrian ii 11.10; also Bosworth, A. B., A historical commentary on Arrian's history of Alexander I (Oxford 1980) 219Google Scholar.

2 A point made by Atkinson, J. E., A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus' ‘Historiae Alexandri Magni’ Books 3 and 4 (Amsterdam/Uithoorn 1980) 467Google Scholar. Mentioned there are Ister, the god of the Danube, on the Danube (Arrian i. 4.5); Athena of Megarsus at Megarsus (Arrian ii 5.9); Apis in Memphis (Arrian iii 1.4); and another would be Athena of Soli (Curtius iii 7.3) which is Atkinson's point, 466–9.

3 Curtius iii 7.3; Atkinson, ibid 173–4, 466–9, notes that Hyperides iv 19, and the Athena image on Soli coinage substantiate Curtius' account.

4 Curtius iii 12.27: ‘Tribus aris in ripa Pinari amnis Iovi atque Herculi Minervaeque sacratis …’ See Atkinson, ibid, 470–1.

5 No.154; in Müller, C., ed., Geographi Graeci Minores, (1855–1861) i 477Google Scholar.

6 Cicero, Ep. ad fam. xv 4. 8–9; see also Atkinson, ibid, for the location of the Three Altars.

7 For the Tarsus coinage: Newell, E. T., Tarsos under Alexander (New York 1919Google Scholar); and BMCLycaonia lxxvi–lxxxv 162–77. For the Issus mint, see Bing, J. D., ‘Reattribution of the “Myriandrus” Alexanders: The case for Issus,’ American Journal of Numismatics, 2nd Series, i (1989), 1ffGoogle Scholar., which depends on Newell's die analysis but rejects his attribution in Myriandros—Alexandria kat' Isson (New York 1920).

8 Zervos, O. H., ‘Near Eastern Elements in the Tetradrachms of Alexander the Great: The Eastern Mints’, in Mørkholm, O. and Waggoner, N. M., eds., Greek numismatics and archaeology: essays in honor of Margaret Thompson (Wetteren, 1979) 295–8Google Scholar, for a comparison between Ivriz monument and Ba'al Tarz. Chuvin, P., ‘Apollon au trident et les dieux de Tarse’, journal des Savants (1981), 306–26Google Scholar, esp. 314 and n.27, identifies Ba'al Tarz with Tarhunzas.

9 See Hawkins, J. D. and Morpurgo Davies, A., ‘On the Problems of Karatepe: The Hieroglyphic Text’, Anatolian Studies xxviii (1978) 103–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 114–18, for the translation of both Phoenician and Hieroglyphic Luwian texts. See Laroche, E., Les hiéroglyphes hittites I (Paris 1960Google Scholar) no. 199, for Tarhunzas as the Luwian name in the Ivriz inscription.

10 In Hittite cuneiform texts, Tarhunzas is sometimes written with the Sumerogram dIŠKUR/dIM, the sign for the storm god; the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign is the lightning bolt or thunder (TONITRUS). See Laroche (n.9). Mazaeus' Lion Staters, reattributed to Issus by the author, testify to the veneration of Ba'al Tarz at Issus: Bing (n.7).

11 Babelon, E., Traité des monnaies grecques et romaine, ii.2 (Paris 1910) 453–4Google Scholar, nos. 700–1, and Plate 112, 19–20, shows two specimens with radiate Ba'al Tarz. At Karatepe ‘Tarhunzas of Heaven’ parallels Ba'al Shamem, possibly giving Tarhunzas a solar identity: Hawkins and Davies (n.9) 118, LXXIII; and Gibson, J. C. L., Textbook of Syrian Semitic inscriptions iii (Oxford 1982) 52–3Google Scholar: A iii, 18, and 63.

12 For the importance of Heracles to the Macedonian dynasty in general and Alexander in particular, see references to Heracles in Bosworth (n.1); also Brunt, P. A., Arrian: History of Alexander and Indica, i (Cambridge, MA 1976) 464–5Google Scholar.

13 BMCLycaonia 149, no. 27, Pl. 26, 3.

14 BMCLycaonia 166, no. 22, Pl. 19, 6; Robinson, E. S. G., ‘Greek coins acquired by the British Museum 1938–48’, Numismatic Chronicle viii (1948), 58Google Scholar, no. 11.

15 BMCLycaonia 100, no. 28, Pl. 17, 9.

16 Robinson, op. cit. (n. 14) 66, no. 9; and for a second specimen, ‘A stater of Issus’, Numismatic Chronicle ix (1949), 114. Newell, E. T., ‘A Cilician find’, Numismatic Chronicle, 1914, 14–6Google Scholar; and Kraay, C. M., Archaic and classical Greek coins (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1976) 286Google Scholar.

17 For the Heracles-Nergal syncretism, see Seyrig, H., ‘Antiquités syriennes’, Syria xxiv (1945) 62–80Google Scholar, and Al-Salihi, W., ‘Hercules-Nergal at Hatra’, Iraq xxxiii (1971) 113–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the syncretism of Resheph and Nergal, their symbols, and characteristics, see Conrad, D., ‘Der Gott Reschef’, Zeitschrift für alttestamentliche Wissenschaft lxxxiii (1971), 157–83Google Scholar. Resheph and Nergal have functions ranging from death and the underworld to agricultural fertility and war. For Resheph's association with gardens and wilderness meadows: Conrad 173–4. Both are portrayed with bow, quiver, and arrows. For Nergal with double axe or bipennis, see Pritchard, J. B., ed., Ancient Near East in pictures (Princeton 1969Google Scholar) no. 699; and Seyrig, op. cit. passim.

18 Mildenberg, L., ‘Nergal in Tarsos: Ein numismatischer Beitrag’, Antike Kunst, Suppl. 9(1973) 78–80Google Scholar.

19 ibid, Taf. 28, 4.

20 ibid, Taf. 28, 5.

21 ibid, 79.

22 For the Phoenician text and translation, see Gibson (n.11) 41–64.

23 Hawkins and Davies (n.9) 116, XL and XLI. Although Greek-Phoenician bilinguals on Cyprus identify Resheph with Apollo, Gibson (n.11) 60 stresses that Resheph at Karatepe translates the Luwian divine name. The author knows no Cilician evidence for Heracles-Resheph syncretism, and sees the identification of Resheph with Runzas as a clue to the Luwian identity of the Cilician Heracles based on the mutual identification of Heracles and Resheph with Nergal.

Another possibility is that Heracles refers to the local deity Santas, although evidence for the identification is quite late in antiquity. For a recent effort to identify Santas and Heracles, see Lebrun, R., ‘L'Anatolie et le monde phénicien du Xe au IVe siècle av. J.-C.’ in Lipiński, E., Studia Phoenicia v: Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium BC. (Leuven 1987) 23–33Google Scholar (esp. 29–32). Evidence for the veneration of Santas at Issus may be seen in the theophoric name of Sanduarri who controlled Issus in the early seventh century BC. See the author's forthcoming article cited below, n.44.

24 Atkinson (n.2).

25 The author suggested that a Greek tradition preserved in a late text describing the construction of an ‘Athenian’ temple at Tarsus in the seventh century BC should be emended to read ‘temple of Athena’. See ‘Tarsus: a forgotten colony of Lindos’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies xxx (1971) 103.

26 E. T. Newell, Tarsos (cited in n.7), 42–7; also von Aulock, H., ‘Die Prägung des Balakros in Kilikien’, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte xiv (1964) 79–82Google Scholar.

27 Kraay (n. 16) 284; and Bing (n.7) note 73.

28 Robinson (n.14) 56, pl. 5, 9; Robinson (n.16) 114; also Bing (n.7) note 34.

29 Athena Megarsis in Megarsus: Arrian ii 5.9; also the enthroned Aphrodite on early Nagidos coins flanked by sphinxes probably represents ‘Astarte: BMCLycaonia 112, no 15. For the sphinx and ‘Astarte, see Teixidor, J., The pagan god: popular religion in the Greco-Roman Near East (Princeton 1977) 38Google Scholar. The coinage of Lapethos on Cyprus displays a martial goddess with a local bovine character: BMCCyprus 30–1, nos. 7–9; Babelon (n.11) 821–4, nos. 1362–3. For epigraphical evidence at Lapethos identifing ‘Anat and Athena, see n.33.

30 BMCLycaonia cxxvii; Newell (n.16); Kraay (11.16), pl. 59, 1028. Numismatists describe the sign as an ankh or croix ansée: see Babelon (n.29) 348–9, for variations on Cilician coinage. As a Hieroglyphic Luwian sign meaning ‘life’, see Laroche (n.9) no. 369. Its appearance on Issus Alexanders is a more standard form of the ‘sign of Tanit’. Its earlier design at Issus may be another form: see variants in Linder, E., ‘A cargo of Phoenicio-Punic figurines’, Archaeology xxvi (1973), 185Google Scholar.

31 Babelem (n.29) 393–4, no. 587; 397–8, no. 596; also 347–9, 857–8, note 5, and Les Perses achéménides (Paris 1893) 21, no. 158; Imhoof-Blumer, F., Kleinasiatische Münzen (Vienna 1901–1902) 347–50Google Scholar, 450; Mørkholm, O., ‘A South Anatolian coin hoard’, Acta Archaeologica xxx (1959), 187Google Scholar and note 17.

32 Cross, F. M., Canaanite myth and Hebrew epic: Essays in the history of the religion of Israel (Cambridge 1973) 28–36Google Scholar; Ogden, R. A. Jr, Studies in Lucian's ‘de Syria dea’, (Missoula 1977) 65–73Google Scholar, 92 and 98, 140–9; Carter, J. B., ‘The masks of Oretheia’ AJA xci (1987) 378Google Scholar. Cross and Ogden favor Tanit's identification with ‘Asherah. Albright, W. F., Yahweh and the gods of Canaan (Garden City 1968) 42–3Google Scholar, n.86, 130, 134–5, identified her with ‘Anat. Hvidberg-Hansen, F. O., La déesse TNT: une étude sur la religion canaanéo-punique, 2 vols. (Copenhagen 1979) esp. 1, 129–43Google Scholar, concludes that Tanit is ‘Anat in Punic regions.

33 Donner, H. and Röllig, W., Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften (Wiesbaden 1964–1969Google Scholar) no. 42, for a late fourth century Phoenician-Greek bilingual inscription found at Lapethos in which the parallel occurs. For further evidence of the connection between the ‘sign of Tanit’, Athena, and ‘Anat at Lapethos, see Greenfield, J. C., ‘Larnax tes lapethou III revisited’, Studia Phoenicia v Lipiński, E., ed.] (Leuven 1987) 397Google Scholar, n. 20, and 394 figs. 2 and 3. Greenfield's figures illustrate two coins of Demonikos II. He asks whether the ‘ayin on the left side of the standing Athena polemarchos (fig. 2) might represent the initial of ‘Anat. If it does, then the ‘ankh’ sign which seems to replace the ‘ayin on other issues of this same coin type (fig. 3) might be interpreted as the ‘sign of Tanit’, and like the ‘ayin identify Lapethos' Athena polemarchos with ‘Anat. Also see Pritchard (n.17) no. 492, for ‘Anat holding an ‘ankh’ or possibly the ‘sign of Tanit’ in her right hand. Note the wing over her garment, and ‘Anat's association with birds: Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testament3 (Princeton 1969) 152–3, iv, 16–7, and iv, 33; also RS 24. 252, lines 6–8 in Ugaritica v, 551–3.

34 Bing (n.7) n. 95, for an explanation of the sign's prone position.

35 Newell, Myriandros 32–5. The enigmatic sign associated with Tanit throughout Series 4 may be a tambourine. Cf. Hillers, D. R., ‘The goddess with the tambourine: reflections on an object from Taanach’, Concordia Theological Monthly xli (1970) 606–19Google Scholar. Newell believed it is a wreath surrounding the club of Heracles: Myriandros, 39.

36 Newell (n.7) 32, and pl. 1, 5–7; and Bing (n.7) pl. 1, 11–5.

37 Van Buren, E. D., ‘The scorpion in Mesopotamian Art and Religion’, Archiv für Orientforschung xii (1937–1939) 1–28Google Scholar; esp. 3–4 for Ishhara as goddess of victory.

38 ibid, 2–5, 14–6, and 25. She is mentioned in connection with sacred marriage in the Gilgamesh Epic, III, v, 28.

39 ibid, 23–4.

40 For her temple, association with Ishtar, and theophoric names in Cappadocia, Hirsch, H., Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion in Archiv für Orientforschung Beiheft xiii/xiv (1972) 25Google Scholar; for her connection with ‘Asherah at Ugarit, Van Buren (n.37) 6, and note 79.

41 ibid.

42 Astour, M. C., Hellenosemitica. An ethnie and cultural study in West Semitic impact on Mycenaean Greece (Leiden 1965) 43–4Google Scholar; also Goetze, A., Kizzuwatna and the problem of Hittite geography (New York 1940) 61Google Scholar.

43 The local name for ‘Anat/Ishhara was possibly Kubaba: Fauth, W., ‘Kybele’, Der Kleine Pauly iii (Stuttgart 1969) 383–9Google Scholar.

44 See Bing, ‘Sissῡ/Issus, and Phoenicians in Cilicia’ to appear in AJAH; and also Goetze, A., ‘Cuneiform inscriptions from Tarsus’ JAOS lix (1939) 1–16Google Scholar, for Cilicia's ethnic mix in the Neo-Assyrian period.