Twenty-three participants, including 12 marriage immigrant women and 11 program managers, were interviewed. Table 1 describes the background characteristics of the participants who were interviewed. Twelve immigrant women were aged between 25 and 47 years (mean 35.8 years) and had lived in South Korea between 5 and 19 years (mean 12.5 years). Five immigrant women had just one child, while the other seven had two or three children. Eleven program managers were aged between 30 and 53 years (mean 39.6 years) with professional specialties in counseling or art therapy. They had been working with immigrant women between 2 and 25 years (mean 10.3 years).
Table 1: The sociodemographic characteristics of participants (n = 23)
From the analysis of the interviews, five themes emerged to represent marriage immigrant women’s process of resilience, its related factors, and their growth and ability to thrive (Figure 1). This is described in more detail in Table 2. The discourse extracts in the text are labeled to indicate the source of the data (MIG: Marriage immigrant woman, number, and the number of years in Korea; PRO: Program manager, number, and the number of years spent by the information provided in their profession).
Figure 1: The resilience model of marriage immigrant women in mental health promotion services
Table 2: Themes and categories of marriage immigrant women’s resilience process
Theme 1. Staged process of growth
Five categories of ‘enduring difficulties,’ ‘collapse of stability,’ ‘access to professional help,’ ‘professional and social support,’ ‘experience of growth’ are the order of the resilience process under ‘Staged process of growth’ theme.
(1) Enduring difficulties
Differences in culture and difficulties in communication were found to be key factors influencing informants’ mental health. Cultural differences mostly included eating habits, ways of managing living spaces, parenting styles, and clothing, which led to family conflicts.
"Mom in-laws say men are king and sky. Women are as low as the land. It’s so unjust and strange" (Marriage immigrant woman [Mig3, 11y]).
“My husband does not prepare my baby’s meal. He doesn’t even feed her. Moreover, he said there is nothing wrong with him. He thinks he is a good father.” (Mig10, 9y).
“It is so hard. We (my husband and I) fight almost three times a month. I am so sick of him screaming and yelling at the children” (Mig3, 11y).
Participants reported that neither the marriage immigrant women nor their Korean family members felt their own culture was respected. Since their Korean language level was low, this often led to communication problems and confusion.
"I could only understand one word, so I had to guess. It's hard to guess. Conflicts kept happening” (Mig8, 8y).
The participants, including both immigrant women and program managers, indicated that many immigrant wives are forced to speak only in Korean and to follow Korean culture, and this made them feel neglected and discriminated against.
"Korean family members say these women are from savage and poor countries. They look down on them” (Program manager [Pro8, 4y]).
As migrants without full citizenship, until they have acquired the necessary language and cultural skills, as well as legal status in their own right, these women have to rely on their husbands to make applications for change in status, fill in forms, or otherwise deal with authority. Lack of a common language restricts communication between husband and wife and increases the isolation of immigrant wives. Husbands may not want their wives to meet and socialize with their ethnic community members, as they are concerned to ensure that the wife learns to become an acceptable wife for the Korean family. Korean men’s unrealistic expectations of their immigrant wives’ behavior often cause conflict in marriage and lead to abusive domestic violence.
“I was not allowed to go out for the first one to two years in Korea. My husband and mom-in-law were worried that I would run away if I go out” (Mig3, 11y).
“There were husbands saying that they bought a bride for child, child bearing, descendants…and these men treat the wives bad and often neglect them” (Pro8, 4y).
Economic difficulties were also noted as a major negative factor in the mental health of the marriage immigrant women. Most of the spouses mentioned had a low income, and many were unemployed. As a result, immigrant women could not support their home country’s family financially and suffered from an economic burden with their Korean family.
"My parents think, ‘My daughter is internationally married. She will pay me.’ So, I have to send money. It is always difficult” (Mig8, 8y).
(2) Collapse of stability
Most immigrant participants reported mental health problems, including emotional difficulties, stress, anxiety, and depression. Several immigrant informants said they had struggled with suicidal ideation during their first or second year in South Korea.
“I was stressed out, and I wanted to die. I really did not want to live anymore” (Mig10, 9y).
Migration reduces the capacity of individuals to act independently and increases the vulnerability of women until they have legitimate status in their own right as well as cultural and language skills. Immigrant women commonly addressed that the first one to two years was the hardest time to adjust in the new country.
“The first two years in Korea was the toughest time in my life. I tried so hard to learn the Korean language to communicate with my husband, but he did not trust me and locked me at home” (Mig8, 8y).
“It was so hard after arriving in Korea. It was hard enough that I could die. I was so depressed and could not see any future ahead of me. For about one year, it was so tough to adjust” (Mig10, 9y).
Program manager informants also addressed that immigrant women struggle hard, especially in the first one to two years in South Korea.
“The first two years are the hardest time. They have to learn Korean and adjust to a new life. Complaints build up and suddenly explode. Then they run away or want a divorce” (Pro2, 15y).
Though their initial threshold for problems might be high, due to lower levels of social support, family conflict, traumatic events like domestic violence, and greater social isolation, stress had built up until the marriage immigrant women’s mental stability collapsed. Several immigrant women explained that their self-esteem had gotten progressively lower, and they could not manage their sudden and extreme tempers.
“I felt incompetent all day long. There was nothing I could do, so I got sick and upset. My complaints festered and exploded” (Mig1, 5y).
(3) Access to professional help
Access to professional services in a new country was challenging for immigrants. The marriage immigrant women came from countries with no public counseling system and were used to experiencing stigma towards mental health problems. Thus, they did not know what to do or where to get help when suffering from severe mental health problems. Most participants who had experienced a mental health problem utilized informative support from other immigrant friends, not from their Korean family.
“I have a married immigrant friend, and she has a lot of information. She told me about the program” (Mig4, 15y).
These friends could explain the benefits of professional intervention and help them navigate the services. One immigrant woman explained that she could get professional assistance from police while arranging services for a domestic violence victim:
“I didn’t know that there is a shelter for women. He kept hitting me, and I didn’t have a place to hide from him. I called the police for the first time. Then the counselor came along with the police” (Mig3, 11y).
The marriage immigrant women preferred in-center programs, while they stated their Korean family preferred home-visit programs, ostensibly to prevent them from “running away.” When a professional service was available, marriage immigrant women had the option of getting help if necessary.
“At first, I was very angry, and I said ‘I’m going back to Vietnam, I’m going to divorce.’ But when I was pregnant, I began to think about how I should survive. So I thought I should get help and learn to live” (Mig8, 8y).
However, not all women made use of these services. Women with children were found to be more likely to use the services than women without children.
(4) Professional and social support
Marriage immigrant women felt frustrated when they were not recognized, rewarded, or respected by their Korean families. Social and emotional support from professional services met those needs restored emotional stability and self-esteem.
“[The program] has changed my life. It was helpful that someone listened to me and treated me with respect. I felt relaxed” (Mig3, 11y).
Professional help included counseling, couple counseling, music therapy, art therapy, self-help group activities, and community service activities. Counselors and therapists gave advice, therapy, useful information, full attention, listened to their stories, and empathized with them. Through self-help group activities and volunteer activities, new support systems were formed. Marriage immigrant women also learned healthy communication skills to express their thoughts and feelings appropriately.
“I used to think of myself as alone and didn’t talk. Now I say what I think, and my husband says, “Thank you very much for your words.” [Things are] very good with my husband now” (Mig11, 5y).
(5) Experience of growth
Participants explained that professional help reinforced marriage immigrant women’s self-efficacy:
“Really passive women became leaders full of confidence. I was really surprised” (Pro10, 4y)
and helped them resolve family conflicts through healthy communication. In addition, as they understood and sympathized more with the differences of their counterparts, they were better able to understand the position of the Korean family:
“I understood my husband while counseling. At first, I only voiced my opinions. However, I realized how frustrating it was for my husband. Now that we understand each other, things have changed a lot” (Mig8, 8y).
Rapport with professional staff and self-help group members created secure support networks and gave the immigrant women strength to work through difficulties. They saw themselves as “grown from the past.” Furthermore, as they experienced growth through the programs:
“I never knew what I was capable of, and now I think I’m starting to fly” (Mig4, 15y).
, they made efforts to strengthen their internal reward systems continuously. In particular, they enjoyed the praise and recognition that come from volunteer activities.
Theme 2. Absence of partner support
Few of the immigrant women in this study got the help they needed from their spouses.
“My husband is the closest person to me, but only physically. We have many conflicts. I can’t communicate with him. It is so hard” (Mig8, 8y).
As they were financially dependent on their husbands, this left them with less control over their lives and mental health.
“The economic power is almost always with their husband or their parents-in-law. Because these immigrant women don’t have pocket money, they can’t live their own life at all. That is why they struggle to get a part-time job” (Pro50, 8y).
Thus, friends were important to participants in two ways. Firstly, they were able to recognize collapses in stability in these married women. Secondly, they informed professional services and helped the participant access these services if necessary.
“I came to the center with my friend. I did not know about the center or how to get there” (Mig8, 8y).
These friends included neighbors and people from Social Networking Service (SNS) like Facebook, parent meetings, or religious centers.
Theme 3. Children as the driving force for change
All participants mentioned the importance of childcare, and a decision to get help was often made as a result of childcare responsibilities.
“After I gave birth, I believed I needed to change for my child. I had to try” (Mig6, 15y).
After getting pregnant or giving birth, the married women reconstructed their foci to their child and changed their attitudes and strategies towards difficulties from passive to active.
“It was so hard that I wanted to die. I thought a lot about killing myself, but I became a mother. I had to raise my child somehow! I had to be strong” (Mig8, 8y).
In addition, a child gave them a sense of security and stability as it guaranteed they would be able to stay in South Korea indefinitely. Children also gave psychological comfort to the married women.
“She [My child] takes care of me. I said to her, ‘it hurts,’ and she gently rubs her hand against my forehead. I felt relaxed” (Mig11, 5y).
The results showed that children could also cause the marriage immigrant women problems. These results were commonly addressed by program manager informants. In cases of disagreement among Korean family members regarding childcare, child maladaptation, and child discrimination, the women also suffer. Several program manager informants in the study mentioned that the child neglected and discriminated against immigrant women as the Koreans do.
“The children ignore their mother like their grandma does. They learn this without knowing it, and they don’t respect their mother” (Pro8, 4y).
Theme 4. The need for economic activity
Economic activities, which are known to be protective factors in resilience theory [35], appeared to affect mental health in both positive and negative ways, related to the context in which married women had to work for a living.
“There are few people who can afford to live. And there are a lot of people who are in debt, so they have to work” (Pro1, 25y).
The marriage immigrant women felt a sense of duty to support families in their home country. One participant stated that
“The reason why immigrant women are forced to do economic activities is…to send money to their families in their home countries” (Pro6, 5y).
However, they were financially insecure in South Korea and had to work to earn money to support their families in South Korea as well. There are also benefits from this economic activity, such as supporting one’s family financially, developing one’s career, and earning the respect of one’s Korean family:
“My life becomes energetic, and I find work that strengthens my talent, and my children get to respect me” (Mig7, 13y);
however, this economic activity has a cost. The balance of work and household duties made them feel doubly burdened.
"I was stressed a lot. Not stressed at work, but afterward. It was too hard for housekeeping" (Mig8, 8y).
However, some women in the study were satisfied with their role in society and their financial independence within the family.
Theme 5. Factors affecting difference in growth
The level of growth or and ability to thrive varied among participants and appeared to be influenced by satisfaction levels of women’s needs for recognition, respect, and reward and support levels of the partner. By recognizing their value through various social activities, marriage immigrant women were able to express their feelings and thoughts with healthy communication and restore their self-esteem and confidence. The support of the husband made a difference in the degree of growth. Adequate support also sped up the time required for growth. If a spouse understood and supported the adaptation efforts of the immigrant women, positive marital relations were strengthened, and a high-level growth was achieved in a short time.
"I wanted him to know my heart and not ignore it. If my husband gives me his heart, I can bear it. That the most important thing" (Mig3, 11y).
The results also revealed that individuals' changes had a positive effect on family relationships and the community.
"I have a desire to go out and help others through volunteer activities. It is worthwhile, and I feel good. I like to receive gratitude and praise” (Mig6, 15y).