Skip to main content
Log in

Opposing populists in power: how and why Polish civil society Europeanised their opposition to the rule of law crisis in Poland

  • Original Article
  • Published:
Comparative European Politics Aims and scope

Abstract

As the Polish experience demonstrates, populists can become a genuine challenge for democracy. This raises the question of whether and how democracy can defend itself when a majority populist government holds power. Data on initiatives opposing the Law and Justice government between 2015 and 2020 show that a ‘pincer movement’ of opposition emerged. It involved a combination of initiatives from international and domestic actors, including civil society and EU actors. Yet we do not know much about how these actors interact to put pressure on populists in power. By using the concept of Europeanisation and social movement theories, we analyse how and why non-governmental organisations reoriented their opposition to the rule of law crisis in Poland at the European level. We analyse NGOs’ strategies and argue that three factors help to explain the Europeanisation of the opposition to populist party: the changing multi-level structure of opportunities and threats, the construction of national and transnational coalition for democratic defence as well as NGOs’ common pro-European frame and their commitment to democratic values. The article applies a thematic content analysis based on press articles and semi-structured interviews conducted with Polish NGOs.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. The PiS government constituted a three-party coalition called United Right. PiS was the dominant party, while Poland Together (PR) and Solidarity Poland (SP) played a secondary role in policy making (Domagała and Zieliński 2020, p. 142).

  2. According to Variety of Democracy index, it has dropped since 2015 from 0.94 to 0.76 in 2021. For comparison, this index was 0.64 in the 1980 during the communist period.

  3. See Bourne’s contribution to this Special Issue.

  4. See other contributions in this Special Issue.

  5. By expert organisations, we mean those with expertise in a particular subject area. Street organisations, on the other hand, focus on social mobilisation around specific issues.

  6. In case of Committee for the Defence of Democracy (KOD), we used materials available on the organisation website, press reports and scholarly literature.

  7. It has been one of the most popular newspapers in Poland for years (Onet, RMF FM and WP…, 2022). In 2019, was recognised as the most opinion-forming media in Poland based on the number of citations (Most opinion-making media…, 2019). We realise that this is a left-wing newspaper, but this has the potential to capture as many reactions as possible from actors opposing the populist authority.

  8. A detailed analysis of the collected data can be found in the ‘pincer movement’ section.

  9. As some interviewees requested their anonymity in the paper, we only use the names of the organisations.

  10. For each type of oppositional reactions, the percentage of all 489 coded reactions was calculated.

  11. https://europonieodpuszczaj.pl/podpisz-list/.

  12. The European rule of law mechanism is tool aiming to prevent challenges from emerging or deteriorating. It provides a process for dialogue between EU and Member States and is a step prior to Article 7 TEU.

  13. Art. 7 TEU is a procedure leading to suspend certain rights from a member state. It begins with a proposal to find a “Clear Risk of Serious Breach” (7.1). In the event of a ‘serious and persistent breach’, the European Council decides unanimously to proceed further (7.2). The Council then votes by qualified majority to suspend rights of the accused country, including voting rights within the Council, until all duties are fulfilled (7.3).

  14. By means of it, the Commission can react to the states failing to implement EU rules or infringing EU law. By a decision of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), a state could be charged with a financial penalty.

  15. ‘Member states should provide remedies sufficient to ensure effective legal protection in the fields covered by Union Law”, Kovacs and Scheppele (2018), p. 12.

  16. The Commission challenged the Polish state in court in 2018—law on the Ordinary Courts and the Supreme Court, in 2020—the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court and the ‘Muzzle Law’, in 2021—the Polish Constitutional Tribunal and its case law. This is referred to by law scholars as the ‘awakening of the supranational system’ (Barcz et al. 2021, p. 35).

References

  • Almeida, P.D. 2019. The role of threat in collective action. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, ed. A.D. Snow, S.A. Soule, H.-P. Kiesi, and H.J. McCammon. Oxford.

  • Anderson, R. (2007). Thematic content analysis (TCA). Descriptive presentation of qualitative data, 1–4. http://rosemarieanderson.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/ThematicContentAnalysis.pdf

  • Bandy, J., and J. Smith, eds. 2004. Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

    Google Scholar 

  • Barcz J., Grzelak A., and R. Szyndlauer eds. 2021. Problem praworządności w Polsce w świetle orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości UE (2018–2020), Unia Europejska.

  • Bill, S. 2022. Counter-Elite Populism and Civil Society in Poland: PiS’s Strategies of Elite Replacement. East European Politics and Societies 36 (1): 118–140.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bojarski, Ł. 2021. Civil Society Organisations for and with the Courts and Judges—Struggle for the Rule of Law and Judicial Independence: The Case of Poland 1976–2020. German Law Journal 22 (7): 1344–1384.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Borońska-Hryniewicka K. 2011. Europeanization of non-state Actors. Towards a framework for analysis. In: Civil Society and International Governance. The role of non-state actors in global and regional regulatory frameworks, ed. Armstrong, D., Bello, V., Gilson, J. and D. Spini, New York.

  • Bourne A. (2023) Initiatives Opposing Populist Parties in Europe: Types, Methods and Patterns. Comparative European Politics [forthcoming].

  • Capoccia G. 2005. Defending Democracy. Reactions to Extremism in Interwar Europe, Baltimore.

  • Cześnik M. 2021. Nasza butwiejąca demokracja – refleksje na 4 czerwca. Fundacja Batorego, 4 June, https://www.batory.org.pl/blog_wpis/nasza-butwiejaca-demokracja-refleksje-na-4-czerwca/, accessed 12 October 2022.

  • Della Porta, D., and M. Caiani. 2009. Social movements and Europeanisation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Domagała, K., and M. Zieliński. 2020. Transparency of the Polish Government Structure in the Network Perspective. Roczniki Nauk Społecznych 45 (3): 139–154.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Downs, W. 2012. Political Extremism in Democracies. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Grabowska-Moroz, B., and O. Śniadach. 2021. The Role of Civil Society in Protecting Judicial Independence in Times of Rule of Law Backsliding in Poland. Utrecht Law Review 17 (2): 56–69.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kaltwasser, C.R., and P. Taggart. 2016. Dealing with populists in government: A framework for analysis. Democratization 23 (2): 201–220.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Karolewski, I.P. 2016. Protest and participation in post-transformation Poland: The case of the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD). Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49 (3): 255–267.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kovacs, K., and K.L. Scheepele. 2018. The fragility of an independent judiciary: lessons from Hungary and Poland–and the European Union. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51 (3): 189–200.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Krippendorff, K. 2013. Content Analysis. Los Angeles: Sage.

    Google Scholar 

  • Łazowski A., and M. Ziółkowski. 2021. Knocking on Polexit’s door? Poland, the Constitutional Tribunal and the battle over the primacy of EU law. Centre for European Policy Studies. 21 October, https://www.ceps.eu/knocking-on-polexits-door/, accessed 12 October 2022.

  • Mazur, D. 2021. Mit aller Gwalt. Süddeutsche Zeitung, 11 November, https://www.sueddeutsche.de/meinung/polen-justiz-eu-dariusz-mazur-1.5461667?reduced=true, accessed 12 September 2022.

  • McCauley, D. 2011. Bottom-up Europeanisation Exposed: Social Movement Theory and Non-state Actors in France. Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (5): 1019–1042.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Moroska-Bonkiewicz, A. 2020. Political responses to the extreme right in Poland. Motivations and Constraints for Collaboration in the Executive Arena Studia Polityczne 47 (4): 65–95. https://doi.org/10.35757/STP.2019.47.4.03

  • Oświadczenie Prezesa Stowarzyszenia Sędziów Europejskich. 2020. Iustitia, 06 February, https://www.iustitia.pl/83-komunikaty-i-oswiadczenia/3678-oswiadczenie-prezesa-stowarzyszenia-sedziow-europejskich, accessed 11 August 2022.

  • Parmet, W.E., and P.D. Jacobson. 2014. The courts and public health: Caught in a pincer movement. American Journal of Public Health 104 (3): 392–397.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Pech, L., P. Wachowiec, and D. Mazur. 2021. Poland’s Rule of Law Breakdown: A Five-Year Assessment of EU’s (In) Action. Hague Journal on the Rule of Law 13: 1–43.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Princen, S., and B. Kerremans. 2008. Opportunity Structures in the EU Multi-Level System. West European Politics 31 (6): 1129–1146.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Snow, D.A., Vliegenthart, R., and P. Ketelaars. 2019. The Framing Perspective on Social Movements: Ist Conceptual Roots and Architecture. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, ed. Snow A.D., Soule S.A., Kiesi H-P. and H.J. McCammon, Oxford.

  • Tarrow, G.S. 2011. Power in Movement. Cambridge: Social Movements and Contentious Politics.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Tarrow, G.S. 1998. Power in Movement. Cambridge: Social Movements and Contentious Politics.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Van Der Heijden, H.A. 2002. Political parties and NGOs in global environmental politics. International Political Science Review 23 (2): 187–201.

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Angela Bourne, Tore Vincents Olsen, Bénédicte Laumond, Anthoula Malkopoulou, Patrick Nitzschner, Juha Tuovinen, Franciszek Tyszka, Francesco Campo, Mathias Holst Nicolaisen, Anna-Sophie Heinze, and 2 anonymous reviewers for Comparative European Politics for comments on earlier versions of this paper. All errors are our responsibility.

Funding

This research was in part financed by the Carlsberg Foundation Grant CF20-0008.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Aleksandra Moroska-Bonkiewicz.

Ethics declarations

Conflict of interest

There are no conflicts of interest.

Additional information

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Rights and permissions

Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Moroska-Bonkiewicz, A., Domagała, K. Opposing populists in power: how and why Polish civil society Europeanised their opposition to the rule of law crisis in Poland. Comp Eur Polit 21, 817–833 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-023-00339-3

Download citation

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-023-00339-3

Keywords

Navigation