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Mapping the political opportunity space of secularism: French republican appeals to laïcité

  • Original Article
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French Politics Aims and scope

Abstract

As European populations become more religiously diverse and governments respond to the changes brought by recent migration, political debates vis-à-vis the place of religion in the public sphere are likely to increase. The apparent tensions between individual religious freedom, national cohesion, and government control of the public sphere lie at the heart of French narratives of ‘laïcité,’ France’s particular approach to secularism. In this paper, the laïcité narratives of the top Républicain candidates—Juppé, Fillon, and Sarkozy—illustrate the range of narratives used by parties on the right, from ‘establishment’ to ‘identitarian.’ The paper also provides a general political opportunity space model that incorporates right–left and cosmopolitan–identitarian dimensions and stretches beyond the boundaries of the French right to include a full range of the available space on this issue. This model can thus be applied to similar research in other states and regions.

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Notes

  1. A note on terminology: Please note that the term ‘republican’ is used throughout this paper refer to those values associated with the French Republic. The term ‘Republican’ refers to the political party itself. Also, ‘secularism’ is too simplistic a term to accurately capture laïcité, though it is the closest English equivalent. ‘Secularism’ is too easily confused with ‘secularization’ of a society (for example, the removal of signs and influence of religion from the public sphere), while the necessity of such secularization is a point of dispute in laïcité narratives. According to the Stasi Commission, laïcité is based on three inseparable values: freedom of conscience, legal equality of spiritual and religious options and those who practice them, and neutrality of the state/separation of church and state. A deeper discussion of the term is included in the third section of this paper.

  2. The mainstream right seldom addressed issues related to laïcité prior to Baroin’s 2003 text on laïcité of the right. Party programs such as the joint UDF-RPR texts of 1990 and 1997 were silent on laïcité. Public debates regarding state funding and direction of Catholic schools (1984 and 1997) were reflected indirectly in RPR programmes with stronger calls for school autonomy and choice, and thus demonstrate the continuing alliance between the mainstream right and the Catholic church at the time.

  3. The popularity of anti-immigrant and anti-Islam sentiment among some voters on the right is discussed in detail in the fourth section of this paper, focused on voter attitudes. It should be noted that mainstream right party programs vary widely on this matter, with the UDF-RPR joint program of 1990 viewed as particularly anti-immigrant in its policy proposals, while the 1997 RPR and 2002 UMP programs were silent on issues of immigration.

  4. Cautrès’ description of third France/FN voters largely aligns with the wider literature on radical right voting behavior; for example, see Norris (2005), Carter (2005), Mudde (2007). Please note that the definition of “radical right” used in this paper includes two key characteristics—(1) exclusive notions of national belonging and (2) anti-system sentiment. While early work on the radical right highlighted the neoliberal economic tendencies of the radical right (e.g. McGann and Kitschelt 1995), this is not a requirement for inclusion in this category, and populist tendencies are covered well in the literature (see Mudde 2007). Thus the shift of the FN from neoliberal economic policies to populist ones does not change their placement in the radical right category.

  5. The Républicain party has gone through several name changes in the time period discussed in this paper. These include: Rassemblement pour la République (RPR), Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP), and Les Républicains.

  6. CEVIPOF is the political research center at the Institute for Political Studies (Sciences Po) in Paris. See www.cevipof.com. The Dynamiques Politiques data was accessed on 14 January 2015 and 15 January 2017 at: www.cevipof.com/fr/dynamiquespolitiques/leprojet, and www.cevipof.com/fr/dynamiquespolitiques/mip/mip.

  7. For Marine Le Pen’s anti-globalization positions, see her campaign documents, ‘Remettre la France en Ordre’, ‘Alliance Patriote et Republicaine’ and ‘144 Engagements Presidentiels’ at www.marine2017.fr.

  8. The Stasi Commission was created on the orders of President Jacques Chirac in July 2003. The 20-person commission was comprised of scholars, government officials and civil society leaders.

  9. Other scholars refer to this as the ‘liberal’ (Daly 2013; Heine 2009) or ‘pragmatist’ (Dimier 2008) model.

  10. This model is assimilationist, embraces equality of citizens and the norm of laïcité, and calls for an interventionist state that promotes republican values and strictly demarcates the boundaries between the public and private spheres. (Béland 2003; Bertossi 2011; Bowen 2010). The goal of the model is solidarity among citizens who comprise the nation. Sovereignty rests with the nation (Kriesi 2014); as such, this model fuses individualist and community-based ontologies and creates tensions between individual liberties and solidarity, insofar as individual behaviors may call into question the unity of the people. According to Scott (2007), this leads to a desire for uniformity in the public sphere and explains the effort to push evidence of difference among citizens out of the public sphere and into the private.

  11. It is important that the reader understand that politicians’ portrayals of the public space as ‘neutral’ are suspect; Catholic symbols and practices are prolific throughout France, not just in architectural terms but also in terms of school holiday schedules, to mention the most obvious signs of France’s Catholic history. But because they are symbols of the dominant culture, they are often dismissed as markers of ‘culture’ or ‘heritage’ rather than religion.

  12. Other scholars note additional ways in which this interpretation of laïcité violates key precepts of the notion. Hennette Vauchez (2016) notes that Constitutional references to laïcité include both state neutrality and guarantees for the free practice of religion. As such, the identitarian model, which seeks to actively suppress the practice of minority religions, violates this constitutional commitment.

  13. For further reading on the concept of political opportunity space, see Duverger (1972) and Downs (1957).

  14. For example, Pirie (1996) uses this term to describe the decreased salience of official language debates among young people in ‘cosmopolitan’ Odessa, Ukraine.

  15. For example, Klingemann’s (2006) Party Manifesto Research Group’s (PMRG) coding uses these as part of a basket of policy positions to determine a party’s position on the right-left spectrum. Also, those who study the radical right (e.g. Elisabeth Carter 2005) consider hardline nationalism right, and internationalism far left.

  16. Sarkozy’s approach in 2016 is described in detail in the section below. His rhetoric has changed only slightly from 2007, but for discussions of his 2007 approach, see Noiriel (2007) and Baubérot (2012).

  17. Order: LR—28%, DLF—32%, FN—36% (compared to the left and center responses, which range from 5 to 9%); Authority: LR—18%, DLF—17%, FN—21% (compared to 4-9% for the center and left).

  18. Increased immigration: LR—82%, DLF—91%, FN—95% (left responses range from 36 to 44%). Loss of national identity and culture: LR—60%, DLF—81%, FN 87% (left—32–45%).

  19. The results of the first round of the primaries conducted on 20 November are as follows: François Fillon (44.1%), Alain Juppé (28.6%), and Nicolas Sarkozy (20.7%). For additional information on first round results go to: www.resultats.primaire2016.org/premiertour/index.html#/total.

  20. See the candidate’s electoral programs at www.alainjuppe2017.fr, www.sarkozy.fr and www.fillon2017.fr.

  21. Note that Juppé considers ‘reasonable accommodations’ a charged term and does not personally use it. Interview with Le Figaro, 29 August 2016, ‘Mon maître mot, c’est le rassemblement’.

  22. Similar language defining laïcité can be seen in: Pour un Etat Fort; and speeches ‘Fierté et Bonheur’ (19 June 2016), at Chatou (28 August 2016), and at Zénith de Paris (14 November 2016).

  23. Pour un Etat Fort—section entitled ‘Pour Faire Respecter la Laïcité’.

  24. Notre Projet pour la France—section entitled ‘Laïcité’.

  25. 20 October interview with Tribune de Genève.

  26. Interview with Le Figaro, 29 August 2016.

  27. Speech at Lyon (29 September 2016).

  28. ‘Fierté et Bonheur.’ Here Juppé uses the word ‘connaître’ (to know), which one could argue is rhetorically milder than alternative terms such as ‘accept’ or ‘assimilate to.’

  29. Speech at Brussels to the European Union (31 March 2016).

  30. Speech in Strasbourg, Speech at Zénith de Paris, Le Figaro article 24 September 2016.

  31. Pour un Etat Fort, Notre Projet pour la France, Speeches at Chatou and Lyon, ‘13 Novembre: Un An Après’.

  32. Speech in Strasbourg.

  33. Pour un Etat Fort.

  34. Speech at Lyon.

  35. In fact, Sarkozy directly quotes Ernst Renan in his references to this shared civic identity. Speech at Zénith (9 October 2016) and Speech at Perpignan (25 September 2016).

  36. Speech at Perpignan. His discourse on the Catholic roots of the French nation reappeared in his speech at Provins (13 September 2016), where he noted his love for the ‘mystical fusion’ that links France’s Catholic heritage (‘oldest daughter of the church’ or ‘fille aînée de l’Eglise’) and contemporary secular France.

  37. For example, see his Speech at Provins.

  38. Speech at Zénith, Speech at Poissy (7 September 2016).

  39. Speeches at Zénith and Perpignan.

  40. Interview with Le Figaro, 28 August 2016.

  41. Interview with Valeurs Actuelles, 7 November 2016.

  42. Interview with Journal du Dimanche, 11 September 2016, Interview with Voix du Nord, 5 September 2016, ‘Essay: Cartes sur la Table’.

  43. Propositions section on ‘Identité’, Speech at Zénith, Interview with Valeurs Actuelles, Speech at Poissy.

  44. Speech at Sable-sur-Sarthe (28 August 2016), Speech at the Conseil National des Républicains (2 July 2016), ‘La lettre de François Fillon aux évêques’ 25 October 2016.

  45. Interview with Famille Chrétienne, 8 June 2016, ‘Crèches de Noël, une victoire française’, 17 November 2016.

  46. Speech at the Palais des Congrès de Paris (18 November 2016). Similar language in the Speech at Sable-sur-Sarthe, ‘La lettre de François Fillon aux évêques’ 25 October 2016. Fillon uses the term ‘intégriste’ to refer to Muslims who put pressure on others to join them in fundamentalist views and practices, occasionally referring to ‘Salafists’ and the Muslim Brotherhood specifically.

  47. Interview with Atlantico, 3 October 2016. Note that Fillon rationalizes his positions against the burqa and the burkini in a framework of gender equality rather than laïcité, in order to maintain consistency on his opposition to bans on outward signs of religious affiliation. See Interview with Famille Chrétienne, 14 September 2016.

  48. See the Speech at Sable-sur-Sarthe and the Interview with Famille Chrétienne, 8 June 2016.

  49. Un Projet pour la France, Speech at the Palais des Congrès de Paris, Speech at the campus des Républicains à La Baule (3 September 2016).

  50. ‘La lettre de François Fillon aux évêques’, 25 October 2016.

  51. Speech at the Conseil National des Républicains (2 July 2016).

  52. Speech at the Palais des Congrès de Paris.

  53. Interview with Famille Chrétienne, 14 September 2016.

  54. Interview with Famille Chrétienne, 14 September 2016.

  55. Speech at the Palais des Congrès de Paris.

  56. See the ‘Questions religieuses et laïcité’ section of Macron’s programme, available at: https://en-marche.fr/emmanuel-macron/le-programme/questions-religieuses-et-laicite.

  57. In the CNCDH survey, lower levels of education and farther right position (both characteristics of the third France) were correlated with higher levels of ethnocentrism. Dargent (2017) came to the same conclusion with CEVIPOF Enquête Electorale data.

  58. For example, see Bell (2001).

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Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Dr. Lynne Bernier and two anonymous reviewers for their feedback on an earlier draft of this paper, and Dr. Vincent Tiberj for his suggestions on this research project. This research was conducted at the Centre Emile Durkheim at Sciences Po-Bordeaux, with the assistance of a sabbatical research grant from the University of St. Thomas.

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  1. University of St. Thomas, 2115 Summit Avenue, St. Paul, MN, 55105, USA

    Renee L. Buhr

  2. Sciences Po-Bordeaux, Centre Emile Durkheim, 11, allée Ausone, 33607, Pessac Cedex, France

    Renee L. Buhr

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Correspondence to Renee L. Buhr.

Appendix: Documents from candidate websites consulted for case studies

Appendix: Documents from candidate websites consulted for case studies

François Fillon

Un Projet Pour La France. Accessed online at https://www.fillon2017.fr/participez on November 18, 2016.

Discours de François Fillon au Palais des Congrès de Paris. 18 November 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/11/18/discours-de-francois-fillon-au-palais-des-congres-de-paris/ on 21 November 2016.

“Je veux vraiment réformer la France et la diriger avec dignité” Le Figaro, 17 November 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/11/17/interview-figaro/ on 18 November 2016

Fillon-Retailleau: “Crèches de Noël, une victoire française” 17 November 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/11/17/fillon-retailleau-creches-de-noel-une-victoire-francaise/ on 18 November 2016.

“Hommage du 13 novembre 2015: Vaincre le totalitarisme islamique » 13 November 2016. Accessed online at https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/11/13/hommage-13-novembre-2015/ on 18 November 2016.

“La lettre de François Fillon aux évêques” 25 October 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/10/25/la-lettre-de-francois-fillon-aux-eveques/ on 18 November 2016.

“François Fillon écrit aux évêques pour défendre ses choix politiques” La Croix, 25 October 2016. Accessed online at https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/10/25/fillon-ecrit-aux-eveques-la-croix/ on 18 November 2016.

“Je suis le vote utile” Valeurs Actuelles, 22 October 2106. Accessed online at: at https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/10/22/itw-valeurs-actuelles-vote-utile/ on 18 November 2016.

“Le totalitarisme islamique vise à créer les conditions d’une troisième guerre mondiale” Atlantico, 3 October 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/10/03/itw-atlantico/ on 18 November 2016.

“L’ennemi, c’est le totalitarisme islamique” Le Figaro, 30 September 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/09/30/itw-le-figaro on 18 November 2016.

“Fillon, le livre de la contre-attaque” Le Point, 3 October 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/10/03/livre-contre-attaque-le-point/ on 18 November 2016.

“J’ai décidé d’écrire un livre après l’attentat de Nice” Nice Matin, 24 September 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/09/27/itw-nice-matin/ on 18 November 2016.

“La réécriture de la loi Taubira est la seule voie praticable” Famille Chrétienne, 14 September 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/09/14/itw-famille-chretienne/ on 18 November 2016.

“Discours au campus des Républicains de la Baule” 3 September 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/09/03/discours-la-baule/ on 18 November 2016.

“Je veux faire pour les Français: Discours à Sable-sur-Sarthe » 28 August 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/08/28/discours-sable/ on 18 November 2016.

“Remettre en cause l’Etat de droit est une erreur” Le Monde, 27 August 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/08/27/interview-le-monde/ on 18 November 2016.

“Communiqué sur le burkini” 19 August 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/08/19/burkini/ on 18 November 2016.

“Interview de François Fillon à lire dans vos quotidiens de l’Est” 23 July 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/07/23/quotidiens-est/ on 21 November 2016.

“Discours de François Fillon au Conseil national des Républicains” 2 July 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/07/02/discours-au-conseil-national-des-republicains/ on 21 November 2016.

“Le choc des civilisations est en germe” Famille Chrétienne, 8 June 2016. Accessed online at: https://www.fillon2017.fr/2016/06/08/interview-famille-chretienne/ on 21 November 2106.

Alain Juppé

Pour Un Etat Fort. Accessed online at http://etatfort.versunnouveaumonde.fr on 3 November 2016.

Notre Projet Pour la France. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/propositions on 3 November 2016.

“L’Europe et menacée de dislocation,” 21 March 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours_europe on 1 December 2016.

“Fierté et Bonheur,” 19 June 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/fierte-et-bonheur on 3 November 2016.

“Discours d’Alain Juppé à Chatou,” 28 August 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours-chatou on 3 November 2016.

“Rassemblés, Unis, Soudes,” 15 November 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/rassembles_unis_soudes on 3 November 2016.

“Discours d’Alain Juppé sur l’Etat à Lyon,” 29 September 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours-etat-lyon on 4 November 2016.

“Discours d’Alain Juppé sur l’identité de la France,” 13 September 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours-alain-juppe-strasbourg on 1 December 2016.

“Discours d’Alain Juppé sur les enjeux internationaux,” 18 October 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours-alain-juppe-sur-enjeux-internationaux on 1 December 2016.

“Discours d’Alain Juppé au Zénith de Paris,” 14 November 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/discours-paris on 1 December 2016.

“Pour une nouvelle politique en faveur du patrimoine,” 17 September 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/tribune-patrimoine on 1 December 2016.

“A nos compatriots Harkis,” 25 September 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/harkis on 1 December 2016.

Boyer, Pauline. “Pour Juppé, l’égalité homme-femme est un ‘marqueur de la laïcité’” 24 September 2016, Le Figaro. Accessed online at http://www.lefigaro.fr/elections/presidentielles/primaires-droite/2016/09/24/35004-20160924ARTFIG00046-pour-juppe-l-egalite-homme-femme-est-un-marqueur-de-la-laicite.php on 3 November 2016.

“Mon maître mot, c’est le rassemblement,” 29 August 2016, Interview with Le Figaro. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/interview-alain-juppe-figaro on 4 November 2016.

“L’Horreur à Saint-Etienne-du-Rouvray,” 26 July 2016. Accessed online at http://www.alainjuppe2017.fr/horreur on 1 December 2016.

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Buhr, R.L. Mapping the political opportunity space of secularism: French republican appeals to laïcité . Fr Polit 15, 460–487 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41253-017-0034-9

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