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Informal Employment and Development: Patterns of Inclusion and Exclusion

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Abstract

At present, there is renewed interest in the informal economy worldwide. This renewed interest has rekindled some of the old debates about the phenomenon. This article will address two of the core debates: first, whether or not the informal economy is linked to the formal economy and modern capitalist development; and, second, whether or not the informal economy is outside the reach of government regulation. In so doing, it will raise a third dimension largely overlooked in the debates: the exclusion of the informal economy in economic development planning, especially at the local level. The article concludes with reflections on the exclusion of informal employment in local planning (by government) despite its inclusion in global production (through the market) and a vision for more inclusive approaches to economic development that take into account the size, composition, contribution and dynamics of the informal economy today.

Abstract

Il y a actuellement un renouveau d’intérêt au sujet de l’économie informelle dans le monde. Ce renouveau d’intérêt a ravivé certains des vieux débats sur ce phénomène. Cet article se penche sur deux des débâts au centre de la polémique: tout d’abord, celui de savoir si l’économie informelle est liée à l’économie formelle et au développement capitaliste moderne, et, ensuite, celui qui se demande si le secteur informel est hors de portée des régulations gouvernementales. Ce faisant, l’article soulèvera une troisième dimension souvent mise de côté dans les débats: l’exclusion de l’économie informelle du processus de plannification du développement économique, en particulier au niveau local. L’article se clôture sur des réflexions à propos de l’exclusion de l’emploi informel dans la plannification locale (du gouvernement) en dépit de son inclusion dans la production mondiale (par le biais du marché), et apporte une vision pour des approches plus inclusives quant au développement économique qui tient compte de la taille, de la composition, de la contribution et des dynamiques du secteur informel de nos jours.

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Notes

  1. India was chosen as the illustrative case as it is a large, growing and diverse economy with a predominantly informal workforce and one of the few countries with national data on both informal employment (through labour force surveys) and informal firms (through enterprise surveys).

  2. By the late 2000s many countries were using the official international definition of informal employment. Of these, 47 countries responded to the ILO’s request for data and are featured on the ILO-WIEGO data base on the ILO website and in the second edition of the ILO-WIEGO publication Women and Men in the Informal Economy: A Statistical Picture (ILO-WIEGO, 2013).

  3. The term ‘informal workers’ is used here in a broad inclusive sense to include informal wage workers as well as the informal self-employed.

  4. Of course, there are non-statistical definitions of these related phenomena, used by researchers and other observers of the informal economy. Other definitions include enterprises that evade taxes; jobs that violate labour standards or laws; and the production and trade of illicit goods and services. However, these definitions are not easily or often used in the collection of official labour force or economic statistics.

  5. This is a summary of the main findings in WIEGO Working Paper #2, Vanek et al, 2014 Statistics on the Informal Economy: Definitions, Regional Estimates and Challenges.

  6. It is difficult to match type of employment/level or earnings with household income/poverty because poverty is measured at the household level while employment status is measured at the individual level and the number and ratio of earners/dependents vary across households.

  7. Status in employment is used to delineate two key aspects of labour contractual arrangements: the allocation of authority over the work process and the outcome of the work done; and the allocation of economic risks involved (ILO, 2003a).

  8. In labour force statistics, there is another category of employment status: paid contributing members of cooperatives.

  9. This discussion is focused on people who work in their own homes. People who work in the private homes of others include (mostly female) paid domestic workers and nursing assistants, (mostly male) security guards, and the better-paid professionals such as bookkeepers who work for home-based consultants.

  10. What is needed is a new broad, unified conceptual framework for labour statistics, labour law, and labour economics that encompasses all categories of non-standard employment in developed countries and informal employment in developing countries.

  11. See Gereffi, 1994 for a discussion of two basic types of global value chain: buyer-driven chains (for example, garments) and producer-driven chains (for example, automobiles).

  12. Raveendran, Former Additional Director General Central Statistical Organisation, Government of India, generated these estimates at the request of and with support from the WIEGO network. He used extensive cross-tabulations a combination of industrial, occupational, status in employment, and place of workers to generate estimates of the different groups, as there is no single discreet classification code for any of these occupations.

  13. Kagad Kach Patra Kashtakari Panchayat translates as ‘Paper Glass Tin Workers’ Collective’.

  14. SWaCH, an acronym for Solid Waste Collection Handling, means ‘clean’ in the local Marathi language.

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Chen, M. Informal Employment and Development: Patterns of Inclusion and Exclusion. Eur J Dev Res 26, 397–418 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/ejdr.2014.31

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