Abstract
Changes in the system of stative possessives have been playing out in the English language for centuries. Our analysis explores linguistic changes across the lifespan of the individual in a small panel study of six speakers recorded first in 1971 and again 2013 in the North East of England. Our analysis explores the effect of speaker-based factors, such as their personalities, their contact with children and the socio-economic trajectory of the individual on their participation in ongoing longitudinal change. Our findings add to the growing number of panel studies that report post-critical age speakers picking up (lifespan change) or, indeed, eschewing (retrograde change) changes in community norms.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
- 1.
- 2.
We leave it to one of our interviewees to explain the contested geographical extent of ‘Geordieland’: ‘People have said to me in the past and I hasten to add that this is not my own opinion that eh Geordies come from north of the river and if you’re from south of the river you’re not a Geordie … I used to say … “you’ve got to be able to piss out your back window into the Tyne before you can be classified as a Geordie”. And they [people from Ashington] didn’t like it’. [Aidan].
- 3.
‘The cosmopolitan city of NewcastleGateshead was formed when Newcastle and Gateshead joined to become a single visitor destination linked by the River Tyne. [It boasts visitor magnets such as] the area’s famous bridges and … the Quayside, Newcastle and Gateshead’s iconic destination. A favourite English city-break destination it really has something for everybody’ [http://www.visitnewcastlegateshead.co.uk/site/around-the-region/newcastlegateshead] (see Beal 2009: 153). The MSN Travel website even named Newcastle ‘officially the best university city in Britain’ in the years 2008–2011.
- 4.
- 5.
See also Bailey et al. (1991).
- 6.
This is a conservative estimate since there is evidence of around 65 Newcastle and 130 Gateshead interviews. The TLS plan apparently involved interviewing approximately 250 people in Newcastle and 150 in Gateshead. How many of these interviews were indeed conducted is a matter of contention and new material keeps being unearthed (see Pellowe et al. 1972; Mearns 2015).
- 7.
Questions included were ‘Is the television always running in your house?’, ‘Which programmes do you watch?’, ‘Who do you vote for?’, ‘Have you ever been abroad?’ and ‘Do you think a woman should work once she has children?’
- 8.
Stative have is distinct from dynamic have, which indicates events rather than states, as in He had a swim, from have expressing the meaning ‘experience’, as in We had a wonderful holiday, as well as from have expressing obligation, as in I have to mow the lawn (see Huddleston and Pullum 2002: 111).
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
We will not consider Edith since she produced very low numbers and very inconsistent patterns of stative possessives across her interview.
- 12.
How salient is the change in the system of stative possessives? An analysis across the duration of the interview provides evidence of style-shift, the usual diagnostic adduced for socio-cognitive salience. This suggests that the variation in the system does not fully fly below the radar. Indeed, when we explored the data for signs of style shifting, we noted that Anne and Rob slightly increased their rates of have got across the length of the 2013 interview (from 66% to 75% for Anne and from 78% to 95% for Rob). This might suggest that the variant has achieved at least a moderate level of socio-cognitive salience amongst these two speakers, enough to allow them to modulate their linguistic system in the direction of ongoing trends (see Buchstaller 2016).
- 13.
Already in 1971, Nelly uses two tokens of like in bridging contexts (Heine 2002), which do not occur in the canonical quotative frame but which, nevertheless, ‘foreshadow […] a quote’ (Gumperz 1982: 47). Whether these occurrences should be considered ‘embryonic variants’ (Gordon and Trudgill 1999) of quotative be like or whether they are already instances of full-blown quotation is largely a matter of interpretation (Buchstaller 2014). In any case, instances such as (a) and (b) are on the grammaticalisation path towards quotative function, and Nelly is clearly a frontrunner in their use for her generation (Edith produces one such token).
-
(a) Nelly_1971: Er saying things you know like ‘Haway man let’s away yem’.
-
(b) Nelly_1971: But more-or-less the way I speak and ending their words properly, like ‘[ɪŋ] end[ɪŋ]’ you know, not saying ‘end[ɪn] end[ɪn]’ their words.
-
References
Bailey, G., Wikle, T., Tillery, J., & Sand, L. (1991). The apparent time construct. Language Variation and Change, 3, 241–264.
Barnfield, K., & Buchstaller, I. (2010). Intensification on Tyneside: Longitudinal developments and new trends. English World-Wide, 31, 252–287.
Beal, J. (2004a). English dialects in the North of England: Phonology. In B. Kortmann & E. W. Schneider (Eds.), A handbook of varieties of English, Phonology (Vol. 1, pp. 113–133). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Beal, J. (2004b). “Geordie Nation”: Language and regional identity in the Northeast of England. Lore and Language, 17, 33–48.
Beal, J. (2009). Enregisterment, commodification and historical context: “Geordie” versus “Sheffieldish”. American Speech, 84(2), 138–156.
Beal, J., Burbano-Elizondo, L., & Llamas, C. (2012). Urban North-Eastern English. Tyneside to Teesside. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Biber, D., Johansson, S., Leech, G., Conrad, S., & Finegan, E. (1999). The Longman grammar of spoken and written English. Harlow/Essex: Longman.
Bigham, D. (2010). Mechanisms of accommodation among emerging adults in a university setting. Journal of English Linguistics, 38, 193–210.
Bowie, D., & Yaeger-Dror, M. (2015). Language change in real time. In P. Honeybone & J. Salmons (Eds.), Handbook of historical phonology (pp. 603–618). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Buchstaller, I. (2013–2017). Diagnostics of linguistic change: Mapping language change in real and apparent time. FP7 Marie Curie European Research Grant.
Buchstaller, I. (2014). Quotatives: New trends and sociolinguistic implications. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.
Buchstaller, I. (2015). Exploring linguistic malleability across the life-span: Age-specific patterns in quotative use. Language in Society, 44(4), 457–496.
Buchstaller, I. (2016). Investigating the effect of socio-cognitive salience and speaker-based factors in morphosyntactic life-span change. Journal of English Linguistics, 44(3), 1–31.
Buchstaller, I., & Alvanides, S. (2013). Employing geographical principles for sampling in state of the art dialectological projects. Journal of Linguistic Geography, 1(2), 96–114.
Buchstaller, I., Krause, A., Auer, A., & Otte, S. (2017). Levelling across the life-span? Tracing the FACE vowel in panel data from the North East of England. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 27(1), 3–33.
Burbano-Elizondo, L. (2006). Regional variation and identity in Sunderland. In T. Omoniyi & G. White (Eds.), The sociolinguistics of identity (pp. 113–128). London: Continuum.
Chambers, J. K. (2003). Sociolinguistic theory. Oxford: Blackwell.
Colls, R., & Lancaster, B. (Eds.). (2001). Newcastle upon Tyne: A modern history. Chichester: Phillimore.
Corrigan, K. P., Moisl, H., & Beal, J. (2005). The Newcastle Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English (NECTE). Newcastle University. Available online: http://research.ncl.ac.uk/necte
Corrigan, K. P., Buchstaller, I., Mearns, A., & Moisl, H. (2012). The Diachronic Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English (DECTE). Newcastle University. Available online: http://research.ncl.ac.uk/decte
Denis, D. (2011). Innovators and innovation: Tracking the innovators of and stuff in York English. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 17(2), 61–70.
Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture. In C. Geertz (Ed.), The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays (pp. 3–30). New York: Basic Books.
Gordon, E., & Trudgill, P. (1999). Shades of things to come: Embryonic variants in New Zealand English sound changes. English World-Wide, 20, 111–124.
Gregersen, F., & Barner-Rasmussen, M. (2011). The logic of comparability: On genres and phonetic variation in a project on language change in real time. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, 7, 7–36.
Gumperz, J. (1982). Discourse strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Heine, B. (2002). On the role of context in grammaticalization. In I. Wischer & G. Diewald (Eds.), New reflections on Grammaticalization (pp. 83–101). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Huddleston, R., & Pullum, G. (2002). The Cambridge grammar of the English language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Jespersen, O. (1961). A modern English grammar on historical principles: Part IV syntax. London: George Allen and Unwin.
Kroch, A. (1989). Reflexes of grammar in patterns of language change. Language Variation and Change, 1, 199–244.
Labov, W. (1994). Principles of linguistic change, volume 1: Internal factors. Oxford: Wiley.
Labov, W. (2001). Principles of linguistic change, volume 2: Social factors. Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Lenneberg, E. (1967). Biological foundations of language. New York: Wiley.
Llamas, C. (2007). “A place between places”: Language and identities in a border town. Language in Society, 36(4), 579–604.
Mearns, A. (2015). Tyneside. In R. Hickey (Ed.), Researching Northern English (pp. 161–181). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Mearns, A., Corrigan, K. P., & Buchstaller, I. (2016). The Diachronic Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English and the Talk of the Toon: Issues in preservation and public engagement. In K. P. Corrigan & A. Mearns (Eds.), Creating and digitizing language corpora, Databases for public engagement (Vol. 3, pp. 177–210). London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Milroy, L., Milroy, J., & Docherty, G. (1997). Phonological variation and change in contemporary spoken British English. Final Report to the ESRC, R00, 234892.
Milroy, L., Milroy, J., Docherty, G., Foulkes, P., & Walshaw, D. (1999). Phonological variation and change in contemporary English: Evidence from Newcastle upon Tyne and derby. Cuadernos de Filologia Inglesa, 8(1), 35–46.
Nevalainen, T., & Raumolin-Brunberg, H. (2003). Historical sociolinguistics: Language change in Tudor and Stuart England. London: Longman.
OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development). (2006). Territorial review: Newcastle in the North East, United Kingdom. Paris: OECD Publishing.
Pearce, M. (2011). Exploring a perceptual dialect boundary in North East England. Dialectologia et Geolinguistica, 19, 3–22.
Pellowe, J., Nixon, G., Strang, B., & McNeany, V. (1972). A dynamic modelling of linguistic variation: The urban (Tyneside) linguistic survey. Lingua, 30, 1–30.
Prichard, H., & Tamminga, M. (2012). The impact of higher education on Philadelphia vowels. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 18(2), 87–95.
Rickford, J., & McNair-Knox, F. (1994). Addressee- and topic-influenced style shift: A quantitative sociolinguistic study. In D. Biber & E. Finegan (Eds.), Perspectives on register: Situating register variation within sociolinguistics (pp. 235–276). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Rickford, J., & Price, M. (2013). Girlz II women: Age-grading, language change, and stylistic variation. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 17(2), 143–179.
Rogers, E. (2003). Diffusion of innovations. New York: Free Press.
Sankoff, G. (2004). Adolescents, young adults and the critical period: Two case studies from “seven up”. In C. Fought (Ed.), Sociolinguistic variation: Critical reflections (pp. 121–139). Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press.
Sankoff, G. (2005). Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies in sociolinguistics. In U. Ammon, N. Dittmar, K. J. Mattheier, & P. Trudgill (Eds.), Sociolinguistics: An international handbook of the science of language and society (pp. 1003–1013). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Sankoff, G. (2006). Age: Apparent time and real time. In K. Brown (Ed.), Encyclopedia of language and linguistics (2nd ed., pp. 110–116). Amsterdam: Elsevier.
Sankoff, G., & Blondeau, H. (2007). Language change across the lifespan: /r/ in Montreal French. Language, 83(3), 560–588.
Sankoff, G., & Evans Wagner, S. (2006). Age grading in retrograde movement: The inflected future in Montréal French. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 12(2), 203–216.
Sankoff, G., & Evans Wagner, S. (2011). Age grading in the Montréal French future tense. Language Variation and Change, 23(3), 275–313.
Sankoff, D., & Laberge, S. (1978). The linguistic market and the statistical explanation of variability. In D. Sankoff (Ed.), Linguistic variation: Models and methods (pp. 239–250). New York: Academic Press.
Sankoff, D., Cedergren, H., Kemp, W., Thibault, P., & Vincent, D. (1989). Montreal French: Language, class, and ideology. In R. Fasold & D. Schiffrin (Eds.), Language change and variation (pp. 107–118). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Tagliamonte, S. (2012). The roots of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Tagliamonte, S., D’Arcy, A., & Jankowski, B. (2010). Social work and linguistic systems: Marking possession in Canadian English. Language Variation and Change, 22(1), 149–173.
Thibault, P., & Daveluy, M. (1989). Quelques traces du passage du temps dans le parler des Montréalais, 1971–1984. Language Variation and Change, 1, 19–45.
Trudgill, P. (1988). Norwich revisited: Recent linguistic changes in an English urban dialect. English World-Wide, 9, 33–49.
Vall, N. (2007). Cities in decline? A comparative history of Malmö and Newcastle after 1945. Malmö: Malmö University Press.
Visser, F. (1963–1978). An historical syntax of the English language. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Wagner, S. E. (2008). Language change and stabilization in the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Pennsylvania.
Wagner, S. E. (2012a). Age grading in sociolinguistic theory. Language and Linguistics Compass, 6(6), 371–382.
Wagner, S. E. (2012b). Real-time evidence for age grad(ing) in late adolescence. Language Variation and Change, 24(2), 179–202.
Wales, K. (2006). Northern English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Watt, D. (2000). Phonetic parallels between the close-mid vowels of Tyneside English: Are they internally or externally motivated? Language Variation and Change, 12, 69–101.
Watt, D., & Milroy, L. (1999). Patterns of variation and change in three Newcastle vowels: Is this dialect levelling? In P. Foulkes & G. Docherty (Eds.), Urban voices: Accent studies in the British Isles (pp. 25–46). London: Arnold.
Yaeger-Dror, M. (1994). Sound change in Montreal French. In P. Keating (Ed.), Phonological structure and Phonetic form: Papers in laboratory Phonology 3 (pp. 267–292). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Yaeger-Dror, M. (1996). Phonetic evidence for the evolution of lexical classes: The case of a Montreal French vowel shift. In G. R. Guy, C. Feagin, J. Baugh, & D. Schiffrin (Eds.), Towards a social science of language: Papers in honor of William Labov, The linguistic structure of variation and change (Vol. 2, pp. 263–287). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2018 The Author(s)
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Buchstaller, I., Mearns, A. (2018). The Effect of Economic Trajectory and Speaker Profile on Lifespan Change: Evidence from Stative Possessives on Tyneside. In: Braber, N., Jansen, S. (eds) Sociolinguistics in England. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56288-3_9
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56288-3_9
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-137-56287-6
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-56288-3
eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)