Abstract
Demands for “relevance” are confined neither to psychology nor to South Africa. This much is plainly evident in the appeal of the 1960s for educational “relevance,” made first by disaffected university students and taken up subsequently by their teachers (Rotenstreich 1972). On both sides of the Atlantic, emancipatory anti-capitalist sentiments that demanded reforms in knowledge production achieved particular resonance among the social sciences. Unusually, the inner circles of student activists were distinctly bourgeois (Boudon 1971): the young people that railed against the “irrelevance” of their educations were not the working-class victims of epistemic violence but, rather, a well-to-do generation scandalized by what they saw as the moral hypocrisy of preceding ones. Student protesters the world over were sympathizing, in effect, with those they deemed less privileged than themselves and, in an ironic reversal, began rubbishing the same institutions that had served their interests. In the rarefied atmosphere of higher learning, they had come to the conclusion that there was little on offer that could steel them for entry into a society traumatized by racism and war (Sampson 1970).
When ideas go unexamined and unchallenged for a long enough time, certain things happen. They become mythological, and they become very, very, powerful.(E.L. Doctorow)
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Notes
- 1.
Nonetheless, the activist population was anything but doctrinally consistent, reflecting perhaps its distrust of organized belief systems. Moreover, because of a noticeable predilection for individualistic values—and its being lumped with the politically disenchanted “Pot Left”—it invited charges of anarchy, irrationality, barbarism, and “ego-litarianism” (Axelrod et al. 1969, p. 206).
- 2.
The Frankfurt School believed that mobilization risked its own undoing through the privatization of “alternativeness” and an aimless “new actionism” (Habermas 1971, p. 26); the rapid dissolution of the student movement seems to have vindicated this skepticism. Another perspective is that a corporatist assimilation of May 1968 values (Pestre, 2003) ensured that the students’ main legacy would be one of “libertarianism which came to be appropriated by a Right eager to dismantle bureaucracies and the welfare state” (Müller 2002, p. 33).
- 3.
In his address, Miller suggested that psychologists needed to think beyond their scientific obligations in order to realize their responsibilities as citizens: “The demand for social relevance that we have been voicing as psychologists is only one aspect of a general dissatisfaction with the current state of our society. On every hand we hear complaints about the old paradigm… So let us continue our struggle to advance psychology as a means of promoting human welfare, each in our own way” (1969, p. 1074).
- 4.
Ruben Ardila repeats three times in one paper that “science is not a cultural value in Latin America” (1982, pp. 105, 112 & 120), emphasizing the heterogeneity of the region and its psychological traditions, along with the fact that “there is no such thing as ‘Latin American psychology’” (ibid., p. 103). Nonetheless, it can be asserted that psychologists in Central and South America have been influenced broadly by psychoanalysis, “French” psychology, and Skinnerian behaviorism, and have tended to apply themselves to the specific problems of their countries to the extent that, by the 1920s, the discipline was already an established part of public life (Pickren and Rutherford 2010).
- 5.
A direct result of the 1977 education conference was the establishment of Islamic universities in Islamabad and Kuala Lumpur in the early 1980s (Haneef 2005). Muslim social scientists from around the world joined Kuala Lumpur’s International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), eager to immerse themselves in the IOK project. Badri himself joined IIUM’s Department of Psychology in 1992 and became the first faculty member to introduce an undergraduate course on Islam and psychology. Despite his relocation to al-Attas’ International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC)—a research institute of IIUM—he continued to publish in the area of psychology and religion, while other international figures from Algeria, Iraq, India, and the Sudan would go on to teach Islamic psychology at the university (Haque and Masuan 2002).
- 6.
Recent work on Islamic psychology may also be classified as belonging to either the revisionist or classical camps. In their respective discussions of human personality, Mohamed (2009a) draws on classical Islamic philosophy in his thesis of “man as microcosm”—specifically, the cosmologies of the Brethren of Purity, Ibn Miskawayh, al-Raghib al-Isfahani, and al-Ghazali—while Rahman (2009) presents Mulla Sadra’s theory of the soul in relation to the propositions of Ibn Sina, al-Razi, and others. Elsewhere, Alawneh (2009) identifies the shortcomings of psychoanalytic and behaviorist thinking around “motivation” and frames the Islamic alternative in Qur’anic terms, just as Mohamed (2009b)—in his discussion of “drives”—interrogates Western articulations of the term before clarifying Najati’s Qur’anic model. In another revisionist work, Psychology from an Islamic Perspective, Noor (2009) makes it clear in her preface that this collection of papers “is not an outright rejection of Western psychological knowledge, but a re-examination of this knowledge so that they are in conformity with Islamic teachings” (original emphasis). In Noor’s volume, established topics are delineated—personality, learning, motivation, cognition, and so on—and then reorganized according to Islamic (i.e. Qur’anic) terms of reference.
- 7.
In response to some of these reasons, a group of psychologists started to develop an indigenous African psychology in the mid-1980s—despite the allegedly open resentment of “white-washed” colleagues (Eze 1991, p. 36).
- 8.
- 9.
“Registered counseling” refers to a practice category that was introduced in 2003 with the understanding that an earlier exit point in professional training would make basic counseling services more available to economically disadvantaged communities throughout South Africa. Whereas clinical psychology training lasts a minimum of 6 years and registered counselor training takes 4 years, most universities have terminated registered counselor programs—for a variety of reasons—despite evidence that primary level psychological services are sorely needed across the country (see Petersen 2004).
- 10.
Ian Hacking (1998) coined the term to describe the phenomenon of “transient mental illnesses,” which flourish in accommodating environments but disappear as soon as their surroundings become inhospitable.
- 11.
Hiroshi Azuma’s (1984) account of the development of Japanese psychology providing a compelling illustration of this latter point. In Japan, it was an initial “pioneer period” involving recognition of the discipline’s potential that facilitated its introduction at textbook level. Then, in the “introductory period,” increased academic regard encouraged the intellectual elite to train overseas. In the ensuing “translation and modeling period,” the numbers of students and researchers multiplied as theories and research practices were modeled on those of the developed world; applications were as yet only successful in culture-free areas. An “indigenization period” followed in which culturally sensitive theories were developed and applied, while an “integration period” marked the final synthesis of Western and Japanese theories and practices.
- 12.
The involvement of social psychologists in the expansion of cross-cultural psychology cannot be ascribed wholly to their pursuit of a universal social psychology. There was also a desire to understand the shared traumas of World War II, a Cold War preoccupation with international relations (Segall et al. 1998), and an interest in the challenges that accompanied political independence in the Third World (Jahoda 2009).
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Long, W. (2016). A History of “Relevance”. In: A History of “Relevance” in Psychology. Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47489-6_2
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