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AFTER 1848: THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION IN GOVERNMENT

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 December 2012

Abstract

This paper revisits the question of the impact of the 1848 revolutions on governance and administration across the European states. Few historians would contend that the immediate post-revolutionary years saw a ‘return’ to pre-1848 conditions, but the transitions of the 1850s are usually presented as episodes within a narrative that is deemed to be specific to the respective nation-state. This paper argues that the 1850s saw a profound transformation in political and administrative practices across the continent, encompassing the emergence of new centrist political coalitions with a distinctively post-revolutionary mode of politics characterised by a technocratic vision of progress, the absorption into government of civil-society-based bodies of expertise, and changes in public information management. In short, it proposes that we need to move beyond the restrictive interpretation implied by the tenacious rubric ‘decade of reaction’ towards recognising that the 1850s were – after the Napoleonic period – the second high-water-mark in nineteenth-century political and administrative innovation across the continent. The paper argues, moreover, that these transitions took place on an authentically European basis and that they only come fully into focus when we survey the spectrum of governmental experiences across the European states. The paper closes with some reflections on the broader implications of this reappraisal for our understanding of European history in the middle and later decades of the nineteenth century.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 2012

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9 A useful comparative survey of constitutional innovation across Europe is Verfassungswandel um 1848 im europäischen Vergleich, ed. M. Kisch and P. Schiera (Berlin, 2001); see esp. the introductory essay by M. Kisch, ‘Verfassungswandel um 1848 – Aspekte der Rezeption und des Vergleichs zwischen den europäischen Staaten’, 31–62.

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28 Royal decree of 10 Dec. 1858, cited in: Durán de la Rua, Unión Liberal, 137–8; on economic reforms of the Bienio, see Urquijo Goitia, ‘Bienio Progresista’.

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49 This process is well known for Britain, thanks to Lawrence Goldman's work on the early and mid-Victorian statistical movement and its increasingly intimate relationship with government; Goldman, L., ‘Statistics and the Science of Society in Early-Victorian Britain: An Intellectual Context for the General Register Office’, Social History of Medicine, 4 (1991), 415–34CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; idem, ‘The Social Science Association 1857–1886: A Context for Mid-Victorian Liberalism’, English Historical Review, 101 (1986), 95–134. This kind of work is yet to be done for most of the continental states.

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51 Presidency of the council of ministers, preamble to royal decree founding a statistical commission, 3 Nov. 1856, in: Colección legislativa de España (segundo trimestre de 1856), vol. 68 (Madrid, 1856), 194–6.

52 Juan Pro Ruiz, ‘Statistics and State Formation in Spain (1840–1870)’, working paper produced as part of the research project PB97–0056 of the Dirección General de Investigación Científica y Técnica of Spain, viewed online at: citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.202. For a good example of the moderado view of growth and development, which acknowledged the need for state intervention but defined the task of the state in terms of the need to contain and minimise the impact of change, see the 1848 prospecto of the ministry of commerce, education and public works in Boletín Oficial del Ministerio de Comercio, Instrucción y Obras Públicas, 1 (1848), 1–3.

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62 See Urquijo Goitia, ‘Bienio Progresista’, 270, citing the Acta del Consejo of 19 Dec. 1854: ‘[our objective is] to open the springs of civilisation, to bring them to our country by means of those mighty vehicles [i.e. steam trains] that constitute the glory of modern civilisation, to reinforce our political unity by facilitating communication among all the provinces; to bestow movement and value upon our products’.

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77 Fischer, D., Handbuch der politischen Presse in Deutschland, 1480–1980. Synopse rechtlicher, struktureller und wirtschaftlicher Grundlagen der Tendenzpublizistik im Kommunikationsfeld (Düsseldorf, 1981), 60–1Google Scholar, here 65; Koszyk, Kurt, Deutsche Presse im 19. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1966), 123 Google Scholar; Schneider, F., Pressefreiheit und politische Öffentlichkeit (Neuwied, 1966), 310 Google Scholar.

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92 Ménager, Les Napoléon du peuple, 128–9.

93 Goldman, ‘The Origins of British “Social Science”’, esp. 594–5.

94 On the ‘transfer function’ of international exhibitions and the paucity of work in this area, see W. Kaiser, ‘Inszenierung des Freihandels als weltgesellschaftliche Entwicklungsstrategie. Die “Great Exhibition” 1851 und der politischer Kulturtransfer nach kontinentaleuropa’, 2. I am grateful to Professor Kaiser for allowing me to see a copy of this essay before publication.

95 On these and other dimensions of the still only nascent history of international networks, see The Mechanics of Internationalism, ed. M. H. Geyer and J. Paulmann (Oxford, 2001), esp. the introductory essay by the editors, 1–25.

96 ‘El progreso industrial en Bélgica’, ‘Importación de lanas en Inglaterra’, ‘La industria inglesa y la expansión de Londres’, ‘La industria algodonera en Alemania’, ‘Ingresos de los ferro-carriles ingleses y franceses’, in Revista Cientifica del Ministero de Fomento, 2 (1863), 28–9, 50–5, 60–1, 193–211, 225–34, 250–1.

97 Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid, FC OP (Fomento) leg. 236.

98 I borrow this term from Goldman, ‘Social Science Association’, 100.