We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 September 2015
The Irish, noted a French traveller in 1644, ‘se nomment Ayrenake’. Is it all that noteworthy that those whom the traveller questioned should denote themselves as ‘Éireannach’ or Irish? The answer must be a cautious ‘yes’ because if the same question had been posed some forty years earlier the reply would most likely have been either ‘Gael’ or ‘English’ depending on the respondent's racial identity. This new patriotism which centred on love of one's native land and religion had been created over the preceding sixty years by the ‘Old’ (i.e. of pre-Reformation settler stock) English who found themselves increasingly estranged from Protestantism as espoused by the crown and by ‘New’ English officials and settlers. A more immediate impulse towards the fashioning of a new Irishness was the Protestant device of lumping all Irish Catholics together regardless of putative ethnicity. In the 1680s an Irish Protestant spokesman briskly summed up the outlook of his group; ‘If the most ancient and natural Irishman be a Protestant, no man takes him for other than an Englishman; and if a cockney be a Papist, he is reckoned in Ireland to be as much an Irishman as if he was born on Slevelogher.’ By then what had been a self-serving rhetorical commonplace was indisputably a reality. So, the ‘faith and fatherland’ patriotism was to an extent thrust on the Old English and was not necessarily hostile to the crown in general or to the Stuarts in particular. Far from it, the motto of the Confederation of Kilkenny (1642–9) ‘pro Deo, pro Rege, pro patria Hibernia unanimis’ shows how an earlier generation had tried to square this circle.
1 la Gouz, Francois; Les Voyages et Observations du Monsieur de la Boullay le Gouz, Paris 1653, (Ireland) pp. 428–61.Google Scholar
2 Cox, Richard: Hibernia Anglicana, ii, London, 1689–90.Google Scholar Sliabh Luachra, is a mountain range in north Kerry.
3 I drew on the following sources in describing the evolution of a faith and fatherland ideology. Brendan Bradshaw; ‘Native Reaction to the Westward Enterprise; a Case Study in Gaelic Ideology’ in Andrews, K. R. et. al. (eds.): The Westward Enterprise (Liverpool, 1978);Google Scholar Nicholas Canny ‘The Formation of the Irish Mind’ in Past and Present, xcv, (1982); Michael Mac Craith: ‘Changing Political Ideologies in the Gaelic World of the Reformation’, paper delivered at the Conquest and Union conference, University College, Galway, 18 September 1993; Mary Catherine Kennedy: Eagla an Ghallsmacht, M.A. thesis, University College Galway, 1987.
4 O'Ferrall, Richard and O'Connell, Robert: Commentarius Rinuccinianus … per annos 1645–9, ed. Stanislaus Kavanagh, Dublin, 1932–19, ii, p. 182,Google Scholar Rinuccini to Cardinal Pamphili, 3 May, 1646. The anonymous Disputatio Apologetica de jure Regni Hiberniae, Frankfurt, 1645, advocated a native monarchy and urged the Portugese precedent. The booklet was burnt by order of the corporations of several Confederate towns which at least implies that it enjoyed some circulation.
5 Fr. Anthony Geoghegan to Fr. Luke Wadding, Kilkenny, 1642, cited in Rev. Meehan, C. P.: The Franciscan Monasteries and the Irish Hierarchy in the Seventeenth Century, Dublin, 1872, p. 331.Google Scholar
6 A Poncelet: Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus aux Pays-Bas, Brussels, 1927/8, pp. 408–11, cited in Grainne Henry The Irish Military Community in Spanish Flanders, Dublin, 1992, pp. 100–101.
7 Kishlansky, Mark: ‘The Case of the Army Truly Stated: the New Model Army’, Past and Present, no. 81, (November 1978), pp. 56–74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8 State Paper 63/264, p. 64. The account is incorrectly attributed to 1647 on the basis of a note of an officer's promotion appended at the bottom, whereas it is clear from internal evidence that the payroll could not refer to a period later than 1644/5.
9 Cipolla, Carlo; Before the Industrial Revolution: European Society and Economy, 1000–1700, London, 1981, p. 81,Google Scholar Table 2–10.
10 S.P. 63/264, p. 67: ‘A Lyst of the Army of Leinster’. The list included two dozen chaplains: One vicar general (Fr. Oliver Darcy) on 5s per day. One chaplain major of the infantry on 3s per day. Eighteen ‘chaplains of foot’ (i.e. three per infantry regiment), on Is per day. One chaplain major of the cavalry on 3s a day. Two other chaplains for the cavalry on 2s per day.
11 Lynch, John: De Praesilibus Hiberniae, ed. Rev. O'Doherty, J. F., (Dublin, 1944), ii, p. 268.Google Scholar Comment. Rinnuc. i, p. 270.
12 Rev. Meehan, C. P.: The Franciscan Monasteries and the Irish Hierarchy in the seventeenth century, (Dublin, 1877), p. 225.Google Scholar Examination of O'Gone, Patrick, April 1648. Historical Manuscript Commission Report on the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond at Kilkenny Castle. (London, 1899), ii, p. 74.Google Scholar
13 Jennings, Brendan ed.: Wild Geese in Spanish Flanders 1582–1700, Dublin, 1964, p. 205.Google Scholar The clerical establishment was one chaplain per company of 200 men.
14 Hale, J. R.: War and Society in Renaissance Europe 1450–1620, London, 1985, p. 176.Google Scholar
15 Comment. Rinnuc., ii, p. 191.
16 A papal benediction and plenary indulgence granted to the Irish ‘fighting for the defence of the faith’ by Urban VII, in 1642. See Historical Manuscripts Commission report, no. 78, (Dublin, 1906), p. 127.Google Scholar
17 Hayes-McCoy, G. A.: History of Irish Flags, pp. 48–54.Google Scholar
18 Gilbert: A Contemporary History, i, p. 154.
19 Lynch: De Praesilibus, ii, p. 250.
20 O'Dwyer, Edmund, Rochelle, La, October, 1642, in Meehan: The Franciscan Monasteries, p. 347.Google Scholar
21 Matthew Thige to Secretary of Propaganda, Louvain, November, 1683: Archivum Hibernicum, xiv, (1949), p. 34.Google Scholar
22 Cited by Henry: Military Community, p. 101.
23 Gilbert: Contemp. Hist., i, p. 52.
24 Gilbert: Contemporary History, i, p. 54.
25 Gilbert; Contemp. Hist, i, p. 29.
26 Calendar of State Papers 1647–60, p. 204, (London, 1903). Cox; Hibernia Anglicana, ii, p. 67.
27 Thomas, Keith: Religion and the Decline of Magic, (1971), p. 501.Google Scholar
28 John Holmes to the Bishop of Armagh, 14 August, 1640. McNeill, Charles (ed.): The Tanner Letters (Dublin, 1943), p. 143.Google Scholar See also Nicholas Canny: ‘In Defence of the Constitution? The nature of Irish Revolt in the Seventeenth Century’, Culture et Pratiques Politiques en France et en lrelande xvi-xvii siecle eds. Louis Bergeron and Louis Cullen.
29 Inchiquin to Lenthall, 18 November 1647. Tanner letters, p. 275.
30 O Buachalla, Brendan: ‘An Mheisiasacht agus an Aisling’ in Brun, de and O Coileáin, , eds.: Folia Gadelica, Cork, 1983, pp. 72–77.Google Scholar
31 Deposition of Richard Burke, T.C.D. Ms. 835, f.206.
32 O’Kearney, Nicholas: The Prophesies of Saints Colum-Cille, Maeltamlacht, Ultan, Senan, Bearcan, and Malachy, Dublin, 1856.Google Scholar Donnelly, James S.: ‘Pastorini and Captain Rock: Millenarianism and Sectarianism in the Rockite Movement of 1821–4’ in Clark and Donnelly (eds.): Irish Peasants: Violence & Political Unrest, 1780–1914.Google Scholar
33 The Embassy in Ireland of Monsignor G. B. Rinuccini Archbishop of Fermo in the years 1645–1649, ed. Aiazza, G., translated by Hutton, Annie (Dublin 1873), p. 87,Google Scholar Rinuccini to Cardinal Pamphili, 20 November, 1645.
34 Lynch: De Praesilibus, ii, pp. 247–257.
35 Gilbert: Contemporary History, i, p. 30.
36 Ohlmeyer, Jane H.: Civil War and Restoration in the three Stuart Kingdoms: The career of Randal MacDonnell, Marquis of Antrim, 1609–1683, (Cambridge, 1993), p. 199.Google Scholar
37 Lowe, John: ‘The Glamorgan Mission to Ireland, 1645–6;, Studio Hibernica, 4, (1964), pp. 155–96.Google Scholar
38 Gilbert: Contemp. Hist, i, p. 140.
39 Gilbert (ed.): The History of the Irish Confederation and the War in Ireland, (1641–9), (Dublin, 1882–91), vi, pp. 78–81;Google Scholar SP 63/262, pp. 155 et. seq.
40 Calendar of State Papers Ireland—Charles 1—1634–47, p. 479, Warren to Major Brandon Cusack, Limerick, 25 July, 1646.
41 State Papers 63/261, pp. 97 and 101.
42 Principal sources used in reconstructing the excommunication controversy are as follows: Sp 63/262, pp. 2, 174, 178, 195. Gilbert Contemp. Hist., i, pp. 124, et seq. Irish Confed., vi, p. 83. Comment. Rinnuc., ii, pp. 431–473.
43 Touchet, James, Earl of Castlehaven: Memoris of James, Lord Audley, Earl of Castlehaven, His Engagement and Carriage in the Wars of Irelandfrom the year 1642 to the year 1651, (Dublin, 1815), p. 110.Google Scholar
44 The surnames of native deponents in the Cromwellian inquisitions (T.C.D. Ms 818 and 819) are almost all English; Hore, Rossiter, Codd, Devereux, Brown, Synnott, Keating and so on.
45 Gilbert, J. T. (ed.): Contemp. Hist., iii,Google Scholar ‘An Impartiall Relation of the Most Memorable Transactions of General Owen O'Neill and his Party, from the year 1641 to the year 1650’, p. 208.
