* This article originated in a paper read to the Local Ecclesiastical History Colloquium at the University of Southampton in April 1980. I am grateful to the De Welling-Willis Research Fund of the University of Sheffield who sponsored my research.

¹ Davies, J., ‘Persecution and Protestantism: Toulouse, 1562–1575’, The Historical Journal, xxii (1979), 31–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² The only modern accounts of the rising are the brief description of Rabaut, C., ‘Toulouse et les événements du mois de mai, 1562’, Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire du Protestantisme François, xi (1862), 258–66Google Scholar, and the uninspired account in Connac, E., ‘Les Troubles du mai 1562 à Toulouse’, Annales du Midi, iii (1891), 310–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ A Georgio Bosqueto Iurisconsulto Tolosano, in Se/natu Advocato memoriae prodita … / Tolosae/Ex officina Iacobi Colomerii/Academicae Typographi/1563/.

⁴ Archives Municipales (hereafter cited as Am ) Toulouse AA 14 No. 57 (Ordonnance of Jean de Villeneuve, Toulouse, 15 Sept. 1564). His work was subsequently translated into French and published in 1595 as the Histoire/De M. G. Bosquet,/Sor Les Troubles/Advenus en la Ville de/Tolose I’an 1562…A Tolose/Par R. Colomiez, Imprimeur/juré de l’Université./-/MDXCV/. This version was subsequently republished in Recueil de pieces historiqucs aux guerres de religion de Toulouse, Paris 1862Google Scholar. AH references will be to this edition (henceforth cited as Bosquet).

⁵ Briefve Narration/De/La Sédition Advenue En Tholose/1562, en may, par les héréticques/…in the Recueil de pièces historiques, 193–9. Also Relation de l'émeute arriveée à Toulouse en 1562 in Mémoires de Condé, 6 vols, London 1763, iii. 423–31.

⁶ Histoire Ecclisiastique des Églises réformées au royaume de France (hereafter cited as HE ), 3 vols., G. Baum and E. Cunitz (eds.), Paris 1885, iii. 1–47.

⁷ (L. de Voisin, sieur de) La Popelinière, L’Histoire de France, La Rochelle 1581, fo. 311a etcGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Bibliolh´que Protestante de Paris (hereafter cited as BP) MS 194/1 fos. 88–96 (‘Relation du massacre de toulouse en 1561 et 1562 terns des premiers troubles de la religion par jean fornier de Montauban’). I am grateful to Dr J. M. Davies of the University of Essex for this reference and for a photocopy of the manuscript.

⁹ Estimates of Toulouse’s population on the eve of the civil wars vary considerably. Coppolani, J., Toulouse au XXe siècle, Toulouse 1962, 21 suggests 50,000 by 1550Google Scholar. Gascon, R., Grand commerce et vie urbaine au XVIe siècle, 2 vols., Paris 1971Google Scholar, 350, gives 20,000, a figure which appears to be far too low. P. Chaunu and Gascon, R., Histoire économique et sociale de la France, Paris 1977Google Scholar, vol. 1, part I, p. 397, give 40,000 by 1550. For Toulouse’s charters, see Mundy, J. H., Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse, 1050–1230, New York 1954Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Chalande, M. J., ‘La Maison publique municipale aux quinzieme et seizième siècles à Toulouse’, Mémoires de l'Academic des Sciences… de Toulouse, xi (1911), 65–86Google Scholar.

¹¹ A rough estimate of the social status of capitouls can be gained from the list of capitouls in office with their background in G. de La Faille, Annales de la Ville de Toulouse, 2 vols., Toulouse 1687–1701, vol. ii (preuves).

¹² In 1558 there were 83 judges (including king’s prosecutors), compared with 24 in 1515 (M. Rousselet, Histoire de la Magistrature Frangaise, 2 vols., 1957,1. 54). The increasing litigation resulted in the construction of a larger palais de justice in 1549 at a cost of 25,000 limes (Archives Departmental Haute-Caronne (hereafter cited as AD Haute Garonne) B1904 fo. 42 (21 June 1549)).

¹³ For the difficulties in raising war-taxation, AM Toulouse AA 6 No. 21 (letters patent of Henri II, Villers-Cotterets, 16 June 1558). For the confirmation of Toulouse’s exemption from tailles in return for a payment of 30,000 livres to be levied upon every citizen without exception, AM Toulouse AA 6 No. 8 (royal letters, 30 March 1560)

¹⁴ Arrêt of the parlement, 27 November 1557 (AM Toulouse AA 17 No. 27). Parlement interference with the city constitution earlier in the decade led to a royal edict maintaining their established elective procedures in 1561 (AM Toulouse AA 16 No. 90).

¹⁵ Ladurie, E. Le Roy, Peasants of Languedoc, Chicago 1974, 173–5Google Scholar. According to the HE (i. 902), it was in fact the deputy Jean du Faur, sieur de Marnac, who presented the proposals in Montpellier. The deliberations of the estates do not make the matter clear (Archives Rationales H 748¹⁴ fo. 359 et seq., 21 March 1561). The proposals were discussed by the capitouls in closed session with any representative from the parlement specifically excluded (Bosquet, 38).

¹⁶ HE, i. 902.

¹⁷ HE, i. 911. The list of members of this syndicat may have been constructed with an element of hindsight by the author of the Toulouse section of the Histoire. On the other hand it is striking how many of this ‘faction’ would be active on the Catholic side in a consistent way and even provide support for the Catholic Leagues in the later period of the civil wars. It is also striking that the parlement of Bordeaux saw the emergence of a syndicat within it of hardline Catholics at precisely the same moment. Its leader was the avocat Jean de Lange and its activities from December 1561 can be followed closely in the secret registers of the parlement of Bordeaux (See F. Hauchecorne, ‘Le Parlement de Bordeaux pendant la première guerre civile’, Annales du Midi lxii (1950), 329–40).

¹⁸ R. Coraze, ‘L’Esquille, college des Capitouls’, Ménoires de I’Academie des Sciences…Toulouse, ser. xii, vol. xv (1937), 155–228, esp. 182. HE, i. 903.

¹⁹ Bosquet, 37–8.

²⁰ Sutherland, N. M., The Huguenot Struggle for Recognition, New Haven-London 1980, 351–2Google Scholar. AM Toulouse AA 18 No. 68 and 69 (Arrêt. parlement, 27 March 1561).

²¹ HE, i. 903. The preachers were de Lana jacobin), Antoine Fayet (Minime) and Jean Pellctier (Jesuit) as well as Melchior Flavin (Cordelier).

²² Sutherland, Huguenot Struggle, p. 352. HE, i. 959.

²³ AM Toulouse AA 18 No. 76 (letters-patent dated 24 Sept. 1561). The governor was to have been the sieur de Terride, chevalier de I’ordre and captain of 50 gens farmes Remonstrances by the capitouls to the parlement took place on 7 Oct. 1561. Two delegates were also despatched from Toulouse to Catherine de Medicis (AM Toulouse CC 1706 fo. 457).

²⁴ HE, i. 912.

²⁵ Ibid. Also AM Toulouse AA 18 No. 80.

²⁶ Sutherland, Huguenot Struggle, 354–6. Edict reprinted in A. Stegmann, Edits des guerres de religion (Textes et documents de la Renaissance, V. L. Saulnier and A. Stegmann (eds.), Paris 1979, 8–14, esp. 13–14.

²⁷ AM Toulouse AA 18 No. 84 and 85. (Parlement registration with modifications, 6 February 1562. Publication by the seneschal, 16 April 1562). It required four royal orders to obtain the registration without modifications (De Thou, Histoire Universelle, iv. 56. Cf. Bosquet, 44).

²⁸ AM Toulouse BB 104 fo. 271 (attempted evocation of a case, 11 Feb. 1562).

²⁹ Benedict, P., Rouen during the Wars of Religion, Cambridge 1981, 53–4Google Scholar.

³⁰ Bosquet, 47. He cites the ‘maison spacieuse’ of Suberne and the palace of Santerre le Comte, a ‘rich, opulent young good-for-nothing’. In Rouen, by contrast, meetings among the Protestants were already open and manifest by June 1559 and a third of the city was reckoned to be displaying its Protestantism by 1560 (D. J. Nicholls, ‘Protestantism in Normandy: asocial study’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham, 1977, 68 el seq.). Lyons Protestants were also more precocious.

³¹ Bosquet, 36–7, 40–1 and 45.

³² HE, i. 916.

³³ Bosquet, 47.

³⁴ HE, iii. 2 gives its surface area and says that it could house 8,000. This would only be possible if it had no walls. Bosquet, 117, describes it as ‘cette grande masse de charpenterie en forme de tripot’. In Rouen, the Protestants met in the municipal market itself which could house 10,000, whilst the Lyons temple made use of a private house with an impressive courtyard where ‘on pouvoit aisement mettre deux ou trois milles homes de bataille’.

³⁵ AM Toulouse BB 104 fo. 405 (13 March 1562). A glimpse of the Protestant notables who formed the consistory appears from those who signed a truce with the Catholics a month later (Bosquet, 80–1).

³⁸ Bosquet, 47.

³⁷ Ibid., 47–8. He says that Huguenotism freed women from ‘les Heures et Chapelets qu’elles souloient porter à la ceinture’ and allowed them ‘habits dissolus, danses, chansons mondaines’. An example of Bosquet’s observation is the wife of a senior judge, Madame de Bernuy, who attended preachings without his knowledge or permission in March-April 1562 and whose interrogation after the insurrection as a suspect provides a fascinating example of the cautious, highly circumspect interest in the new faith expressed by someone of this exalted position in Toulouse society (AM Toulouse GG 826 liasse). M.-M. Moufflard, LiberNationis Provinciae Provinciarum, 2 vols., Toulouse 1965, i. 136, indicates the penetration of Huguenotism in one nation within the university.

³⁸ Bosquet, 52–3, Haag, E., La France protestanle, Geneva 1966 [reprint], iv. 61–2Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid., 59; Briefve Narration, 194; HE, iii. 3–4; AM Toulouse BB 104 fo. 324 (19 Feb. 1562), where Michel Méchard, a printer serving in the town’s guard, confessed to the death of Jean Roset, sieur de la Garde ‘par imprudence…pour ce divertir’.

⁴⁰ HE, iii. 4 - 5 ; Bosquet, 59; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 89 and v’.

⁴¹ Davis, N. Z., Society and Culture in Early Modern France, London 1975, 171Google Scholar; Bercé, Y. -M., Fête et Révolte. Des mentalites populaires du XVIe au XVIIIe siècles, Paris 1976Google Scholar. Also Ladurie, E. Le Roy, Le Carnival de Romans, Paris 1980Google Scholar.

⁴² Bosquet, 60.

⁴³ Ibid.

⁴⁴ HE, iii. 5.

⁴⁵ HE, iii. 6–7. Bosquet, 61–2.

⁴⁶ Bosquet, 63–5. Cases are to be found in AM Toulouse BB 104 (3–16 April 1562).

⁴⁷ BP, MS 194/1 fo. 89 v’.

⁴⁸ The capitouls had discussed the problem of security in the city on Christmas Eve, and again on 8 Jan. 1562. (AM Toulouse BB 11, fos. 281 and 289 V). On 4 February they instituted a systematic search for illegal arms (AM Toulouse BB 104, fo. 269). As a result, there were cases involving the prior of the riverside church, the Daurade, known to have an illegal arsenal (BB 11 fos. 307 v’ and 309). Later, pistols were captured from scholars (Ibid., fo. 318 (9 April)). The Provencal nation had proposed to purchase arms in October 1561, but the suggestion had been rejected. It was accepted early in 1562, although the decision in the book was carefully overwritten to disguise it (Moufflard, Liber Nationis Provinciae, i. 137–45; ii. 26–33). HE, iii. 8, says that the problem was that the Catholic town guard was unwilling to investigate Catholics. See also Bosquet, 48.

⁴⁹ HE, iii. 8. Pierre Delpuech, sieur de Maurisses, was one of the most active bourgeois of the syndicat of December 1561. He was appointed a capitoul by the parlement during the uprising and later provided 10,000 livres towards the establishment of the Jesuits in Toulouse (AM Toulouse BB 13 fo. 500). Bosquet described him as ‘né au réublique, entendu à la trafique, versé ès bonnes lettres, médiocrement riche, prudent, vaillant et hardi’ (Bosquet, 77). It is not clear why Bosquet thought him only moderately rich, for the Toulouse cadastre in 1570 makes him clearly the wealthiest man in his quartier (AM Toulouse CC 56 fo. 85). Also involved in arms trading was Pierre Madron, trisorier, and capitoul four times before 1562.

⁵⁰ The four captains were Bajordan, a nephew of the maréchal de Termes, de Faudras, baron de Clermont, Iean-Iaques or Estienne Boyssons, seigneurs de Montmaur, and M. de Beaularc, sieur de Trebous. The baron de Clermont was renowned for being a strict Catholic. All were from the Toulouse region. For their indiscipline, HE, iii. 13.

⁵¹ HE, iii. 15; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 92 speaks of’une grande multitude de noblesse’ in the city ‘tant pour le ban et arrière-ban…que aussi parce quil estoit à la poursuitc de plusiers procez qui’ils avoient en la cour de parlement’.

⁵² Bosquet, 59; HE, iii. 9.

⁵³ For the impact of the massacre in Rouen, see Benedict, Rouen, 95–7. The ‘saison’ of Saint Bartholomew is best treated in Garrisson-Estebe, J., Tocsin pour un massacre, Paris 1968Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ HE, i. 920–1.

⁵⁵ Ibid, and below notes 118–20.

⁵⁶ The letter was probably the one Beza addressed to the churches of Languedoc on 28 March (A. H. Guggenheim, ‘Beza, Viret and the church of Nimes: national leadership and local initiative in the outbreak of the religious wars’. Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et de la Renaissance, xxxvii (1975), 33–47). Bosquet, 73 and 118 (the letter was subsequently found among de Lanta’s papers hidden in a well in the grounds of his Toulouse property).

⁵⁷ Bosquet, 73–4. Toulouse was supposed to raise 4,000 écus. In fact, 1,500 écus was raised in cash and dispatched to Orleans via Guillaume Fabri, clerc audiencier in the chancery. (For Fabry, cf. HE, iii. 42.) The receiver for the prince of Conde declared that it was a poor effort in comparison with other churches. For the secret entry of troops into the city, see Bosquet, 48 and 67–8, where various members of the consistory were dispatched to the region to raise troops and the problems of dispersing 400 men from Gascony who had arrived were debated.

⁵⁸ Bosquet, 75; HE, iii. n; Garrisson-Estèbe, J., Protestants du Midi (1559–1598), Toulouse 1980, 22–8Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Mémoires de Condé, iii. 339–47.

⁶⁰ This letter, referred to only in the Histoire Ecclisiastique, was apparently despatched to ‘certains particuliers’ in the parlement, presumably members of the syndicat. The letter arrived through the agency of Pierre de Costa (La Coste), juge-mage for Montpellier and appointed conseiller in the parlement at Toulouse in 1558 (Fl. Vindry, Parlementaires francais au XVIe siècle, 2 vols., Bergerac 1909, i. 175).

⁶¹ AD Haute-Garonne B 1906 fo. 67. Mentioned in HE, iii. 11.

⁶² HE, iii. 12; Mtmoires de Condi, iii. 423; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, iv. 292.

⁶³ AD Haute-Garonne B 1906 fo. 67; mentioned in HE, iii. 11.

⁶⁴ Bosquet, 77; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 90-v.

⁶⁵ BP, MS 194/1 fo. gov’ mentions 3 capitouls (Ganelon, Mandinelli and du Cèdre) being led to the maison de ville ‘par subtils moyens’. The Relation de l' émeute… mentions only 2, but the Histoire Ecclésiastique says that 5 were confined there, 2 of whom were captured on their way to investigate the rising on behalf of some of the judges. To some extent this is corroborated by the fragments of an investigation of the activities of Louis du Faur and du Cèdre undertaken at a later date (AM Toulouse GG 826, liasse). 66 Bosquet, 85–90; HE, iii. 13–14.

⁶⁷ HE, 24.

⁶⁸ Wolff, P., Histoire de Toulouse, Toulouse 1969, 169Google Scholar; Bosquet, 87. Cf La Popelinière, Histoire de France, 118.

⁶⁹ AM Toulouse FF 194 fo. 68 v’. A cutler’s house on the corner of the rue des Couteliers contained 17 Huguenot militia, so the dispersal of Huguenot troops round the city had, to a certain extent, taken place (BP MS 194/1, fo. 92).

⁷⁰ Briefve Narration, 197.

⁷¹ HE, iii. 20; Bosquet, 90, refers to a barricade of bales of wool. Briefve Narration, 195 - ‘persant les maison contigues afin d’aller à couvert de l’une à l’autre’. Mém. de Condé, iii. 428.

⁷² HE, iii. 24 and 29; Bosquet, 90–2.

⁷³ E.g. the house of Me George in the rue des Couteliers. HE, iii. 19; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 92; Bosquet, 108.

⁷⁴ HE, iii. 29–30; BP. MS 194/1 fo. 92’ ‘…qui furent deux cens maisons ou plus ou le feu avec une grande frayeur de tous les habitants demeura deux jours’.

⁷⁵ HE, iii. 19.

⁷⁶ Bosquet, 107; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 93 v’.

⁷⁷ HE, iii. 27.

⁷⁸ BP, MS 194/1 fo. 93 v’; HE, iii. 18; Bosquet, 96.

⁷⁹ HE, iii. 18. The 4 consrillers were Pierre Barravy, sieur de Clairac (who had several town houses in the quartier, including one in the rue des Couteliers); Raymond Bonal (or Bonail); Thomas de Fores (or Faures), sieur de Carlincas, who also had a house adjacent to the rue des Couteliers. The fourth conseiller mentioned in the HE, Richard No very, does not appear to have held a post in the parlement unless his name was Christophe Richard (s^v de Noveri?). (Cf. F. Vindry, Parlementaires fran¸ais, 181, 188, 209 and 222.)

⁸⁰ HE, iii. 18–19; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 91.

⁸¹ Ibid.

⁸² HE, iii. 24–7; Briefve Narralion, 196. Bosquet, 103–5. The Jacobins, Cordeliers, Saint-Sernin, Beguines, Saint-Orens, du Taur, Saint-Rome, Saint-Anthoine, Saint-George and the Augustins, Saint-Quentin, Nôtre-Dame-de-Ia-Merci, and the convent of Saint-Pantaléon.

⁸³ As Bosquet said, these were both Marges et spatieux’ with over 60 monks and ample buildings, partly to serve the university.

⁸⁴ Bosquet, 105–6

⁸⁵ HE, iii. 8, accurately described the sovereign court judges as ‘composée de trios diverses humeurs. Car les uns estoient promoteurs de la sedition, les autres favorisoient du coste de la religion, les autres, estans neutres quant a la religion, ne demandoient que la paix’.

⁸⁶ HE, i. 911. In Bordeaux, Jean de Lange was supported by the procureur-géneral, Lescure, the chief greffier, Jean de Pontac, and several others. The same impression of vigorous organisation appears from the secret registers of Verthamon in the Archives municipales in Bordeaux (E.g. vol. XI, 448–50, 455–62, 498–503 and 506–20).

⁸⁷ Cf. de Lange’s speech before the parlement of Bordeaux in Ibid., 376.

⁸⁸ Of the 33 names cited in the Histoire Ecclésiastique (i. 911) 4 were distinguished attorneys and 7 others were solicitors.

⁸⁹ They played an important part in pursuing with great vigour and, it was claimed, cruelty, Huguenot participants in the insurrection. Tournier, for instance, was suspected of having tortured various members of the city to incriminate judges and councillors of the parlement in his position as its greffier criminel (He, iii. 42).

⁹⁰ See M. Greengrass, ‘A provincial Catholic League; the case of Toulouse’, in Sixteenth Century Journal (forthcoming, 1983).

⁹¹ These were Nicolas Latomy and Antoine de Paulo. For the careers of’ce monstre’ Latomy (HE, iii. 38) and the immensely wealthy de Paulo, see Vindry, Parlementaircs franfais, 148 and 153. It is not without significance that de Paulo appeared before the parlement of Bordeaux in December 1561, ostensibly to discuss river tolls on the Garonne, but probably to learn more about the Bordeaux syndicat.

⁹² Bosquet, 86.

⁹³ HE, iii. 17.

⁹⁴ Ibid, iii. 18.

⁹⁵ Bosquet, 86.

⁹⁶ Ibid.

⁹⁷ HE, iii. 16; Bosquet, 86. AD Haute-Garonne B 55 fo. 414.

⁹⁸ HE, ii. 22–3.

⁹⁹ Ibid, 23; BP, MS 194/1 fos. 91 and v ‘; ‘…les dixaines furent mandees de s’assembler au palais et venant de tous endroits les dixainiers marquèrent les maisons des suspects et commen¸ant devers le palais et tirant tous à dos vers la porterie de trois cotez de la ville…’.

¹⁰⁰ HE, iii. 3; Bosquet, 58–9. Processions at Easter are reported in AM Toulouse BB 104 fo. 103.

¹⁰¹ Flavin was described by Bosquet as ‘une trompette du del’ and had preached in the Dalbade church in Lent 1561 (Bosquet, 36). Some idea of his preaching style can fortunately be gained from a small work published in 1562 which probably originated as one of his sermons. (Remonstrance de la/vrajie reli-/gion, av/Roy Tres chrestien/Charles IX/ … A Tolose,/Chez la. Colomiez maistre Imprimeur iure de l’Universite, 1562). A copy survives in the Bibliothèque municipale de Nímcs. Other preachers who were known to cause public affray were the Jesuit, Jean Le Pelletier (Bosquet, 31 - his career is summarised in C. Sommervögel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jisus, 6 vols., 1895, vi. col. 452), Pierre Lalaine (Jacobin), Antoine Finet (Minime) and Esprit Rotier, the Dominican inquisiteur delafoi.

¹⁰² HE, i. 911.

¹⁰³ Ibid., iii. 5.

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., i. 911.

¹⁰⁵ Bosquet, 91 and 96.

¹⁰⁶ AM Toulouse FF 194 fo. 52 (donation of 250 limes to the soldiers at one of the gates).

¹⁰⁷ Bosquet, 97 describes him as a captain ‘prompt et hardi’. This reputation did not prevent his becoming suspected of Protestant leanings as a result of his allegiance to the provincial governor. (See M. Greengrass,’ War, politics and religion in Languedoc during the government of Henri de Montmorency’ (unpublished Oxford University D. Phil, thesis, 1979), 85.

¹⁰⁸ Bosquet, 41.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., 42.

¹¹⁰ Garrisson-Estèbe, Protestants du Midi, 33 and 40, rather hastily concludes that they were all Protestants.

¹¹¹ Pierre Hunaud, sieur de Lanta, the premier capitoul and also Pierre du Cèdre, the lawyer.

¹¹² Antoine Ganelon and Olivier Pastereau, sieur de Soppetz, merchants and bourgeois.

¹¹³ Bosquet described the capitouls as ‘gens d’esprit, ornés de beaucoup de graces, riches et opulents’ (p. 30). He was perhaps thinking of Pierre Assézat, the rich road merchant, or the elderly doctor, Ademar Mandinelli, a wealthy lawyer, both capitouls in 1562. HE talks of them as ‘estant gentilshommes ou marchands non exerces en police et autres tells affaires…’ and therefore easily swayed (p. 8).

¹¹⁴ The impression from the minute book of their deliberations is one of dignified impartiality (AM Toulouse BB 11 fos. 277 v’-312).

¹¹⁵ AM Toulouse BB 11 fos. 327 v’-328 v’.

¹¹⁶ Some municipal servants were evicted from their posts by force, including Jean Balard, the city archivist, (Ibid.).

¹¹⁷ AM Toulouse AA 14, specifies the city contrôleur, its treasurer, gaoler, cannon-minder, chief clerk and assistant, and 5 assesseurs.

¹¹⁸ HE, iii. 13.

¹¹⁹ Ibid.

¹²⁰ Bosquet, 93–6.

¹²¹ E.g., Agen, where artisans destroyed images ‘disans que si on s’arrestoit au consistoire ce ne seroit jamais fait’ (HE, i. 889). In Montauban there were serious divisions between ‘une partie d’artisans & I’autre de gens d’apparence’, with the pastor (Vignolles) lending his support to the latter (Ibid., 923).

¹²² Bosquet, 80–1, mentions 52 names of prominent Protestants, amongst whom must have been the members of the consistory (some of the names have been badly transcribed to appear as several individuals when they are, in fact, only one person, viz Roger Prat, A. le Brun la Salle and J. Garauld, sieur de Vieillevigne). On this list 18 members of the robe tongue appear, mostly royal officials. A further 5 were avocats and the same number were doctors of medicine. The remainder were bons bourgeois. The picture confirms that of Garrisson-Estèbe, Protestants du Midi, ch. i.

¹²³ HE, i. 885, etc. Bosquet, 19–29.

¹²⁴ Ibid., 91 and BP, MS 194/1 fo. 92 v’.

¹²⁵ Ibid., 102. The incident in the Eglise du Taur is referred to in Bosquet, 119, and elaborated by a French manuscript entry in a contemporary hand in the Latin edition of Bosquet’s work to be found in the British Library.

¹²⁶ HE, iii. 25, i. 905.

¹²⁷ Bosquet, 116. Cf. Briefve Narration, 431, which says that there were 3–400 killed in the fighting.

¹²⁸ HE, iii. 25; Bosquet, 115.

¹²⁹ Bosquet, 116.

¹³⁰ Ibid., 110.

¹³¹ HE, iii. 35; ‘Chacun donques commença à les rechercher, batre, rançonner, meurtrir, voire jusques à ce poinct, que plusieurs de l’église Romaine y furent aussi tués par leurs compagnons, les uns pour estre suspects, les autres pour querelles particulières…’ See also Ibid., 37.

¹³² HE, 5.

¹³³ Ibid., 15.

¹³⁴ Ibid, 17.

¹³⁵ HE, iii. 35–6.

¹³⁶ Ibid., 26 and 30. For the career of Jacques de Bernuy, Vindry, Parlemenlaires fran¸ais, ii. 160. His house was described as ‘pleine de grandes richesses’ in HE, iii. 35.

¹³⁷ Ibid., iii. 31.

¹³⁸ Ibid., iii. 18: ‘On commenca de piller & fourrayer partout, voirejusques aux passans et estrangers, sans demander s’ils estoient de la religion…’ Bosquet, 117, gives the estimate of the costs of the affair.

¹³⁹ Bosquet., 87, ‘autres gentilshommes, lors aussi mal équipés, avec peu de suite’. Cf. 91.

¹⁴⁰ Relation de l'Émeule….Mémoires de Condé, iii. 429.

¹⁴¹ Amongst those who were killed or injured were the comte de Carmaing, the two brothers of Savinhac, M. de Pene, nephew of Mr de Termes, and the sieur de Bousquet. (BP, MS 194/1 passim).

¹⁴² HE, iii. 23.

¹⁴³ For the alleged treason of Antoine de Bonvilar, sieur de Saussens, HE, iii. 21–2; Bosquet, 93–6.

¹⁴⁴ Bosquet, 109–110.

¹⁴⁵ Ibid; also HE, iii. 27.

¹⁴⁶ Bosquet, 97–9 ; HE, iii. 21.

¹⁴⁷ HE, iii. 31; Bosquet, 113–4; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 94.

¹⁴⁸ HE, iii. 32.

¹⁴⁹ BP, MS 194/1 fo. 94 and v’.

¹⁵⁰ HE, iii. 23.

¹⁵¹ Ibid, Bosquet, 109–10.

¹⁵² BP, MS 194/1 fo. 91 v’; HE, iii. 19.

¹⁵³ Bosquet, 115–16; HE, iii. 33–4; BP, MS 194/1 fos. 94 v’-g5 v’.

¹⁵⁴ BP, 94 v’; HE, iii. 33.

¹⁵⁵ Ibid. Monluc reported that up to 400 had been killed either by his own troops or by peasants on his arrival at the city. Lettres de Blaise de Monluc, A. de Ruble (ed.), Paris 1870, 132–42.

¹⁵⁶ BP MS 194/1 fo. 93. Bosquet, 113.

¹⁵⁷ HE, iii. 19; BP, MS 194/1 fo. 93 v’.

¹⁵⁸ HE, iii. 27–9.

¹⁵⁹ For the arrival of the forces of the company of M. de Terride, Bellegarde, and Monluc, see BP, MS 194/1 fo. 94. For the arrival of Protestant reinforcements, see HE, iii. 24.

¹⁶⁰ Ordinance of the parlement of Toulouse forbidding profiteering as a result of the high prices, 23 March 1562 - printed placard - (AM Toulouse (Placards), vol 11. fo. 102). Prices for grains were high in April and May 1562, but not as high as they were to be later in the year (G. and Frêche, G., Les Prix des grains, des vins et des légumes à Toulouse 1468–1868, Paris 1967, 45)Google Scholar; Garrisson-Estèbe, J., ‘The Rites of Violence: religious riot in sixteenth century France. A comment’, Past and Present, 67 (1975), 127–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶¹ Davis, N. Z., The Rites of Violence: religious riot in sixteenth century France’, Past and Present 59 (1973), 51–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶² Bosquet, 42.

¹⁶³ HE, iii. 9.

¹⁶⁴ Bosquet, p. 81.

¹⁶⁵ Benedict, Rouen, 93–4. ‘Calvinism only became a major force in French society when the fluid political situation which prevailed between 1559 and 1562 blurred the lines of authority sufficiently to create a situation in which the Reformed cause could develop without undue harrassment.’

¹⁶⁶ Benedict (op.cit., ch. iii) presents clear geographical differences in the distribution of Catholic and Protestant quartiers in Rouen. An analysis of the magnificent 1570 cadastre of Toulouse would demonstrate whether the same pattern held true for Toulouse and this is at present being undertaken by Dr J. M. Davies and myself.