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French Policy and the Origins of the Scramble for West Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Extract

This paper is a contribution to the current debate about the origins of the scramble for West Africa. It analyses the internal dynamics of French expansion and argues that the crucial change in French African policy occurred not in 1882–3, as commonly assumed, but in 1879–80. The policies adopted at this time, although their roots can be traced back to the governorship of Louis Faidherbe in Senegal, were distinguished by a new willingness on the part of the government in Paris to establish political as well as economic claims to West African territory, and by its readiness to bear the financial and military burdens of territorial expansion. Changes in French domestic politics or foreign relations cannot adequately account for this transition from informal to formal expansion, nor can it be explained solely in terms of commercial agitation in France or West Africa. The influence of public opinion and of colonial agents on the formulation of policy was more significant, but the crucial decisions were taken by the policy-makers themselves, and in particular by Charles de Freycinet (Minister of Public Works and later Prime Minister) and Admiral Jean Jauréguiberry (Minister of Marine and Colonies). They, above all, were responsible for inaugurating the era of French imperialism in West Africa. The new imperialism was most apparent in the drive to create a vast territorial empire in the Sudanese interior. But it was also evident in the intensification of commercial rivalries along the West African coast, and the paper argues that French actions there in 1882–3 were the continuation of policies adopted three years before rather than immediate responses to the British occupation of Egypt or to the growth of popular support for African expansion. Accordingly, the beginnings of French imperialism in West Africa are advanced as the principal cause of the scramble.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1969

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References

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98 Even the most influential anti-colonialist in the Chamber, Clemenceau, felt obliged to declare his support for the government's policies in principle (J.O. Dáeb. Parl. Chambre, sáance du 3 juillet 1883, p. 1572).Google Scholar

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100 ANSOM XII 76/bis. Maurel et Prom ran the Richelieu and the Tamesi; Devés et Chaumet of Bordeaux also had a steamer–the Soudan–on the river. See too Maurel, Marc to Bourdiaux, Lt.-Col., 8 05 1881 (supporting the Niger railway, project), Bulletin de la Sociétéde Géographie Commerciale de Bordeaux, no. 4 (1881), 409–14.Google Scholar

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104 For example Gallieni, J. S., Instructions to Caron and the Beledugu mission, 30 Nov. 1886, Bulletin de la Socidé de Géographie Commerciale de Paris, X (18871888), 291, 295: ‘Il faut… que ces etats [du Haut-Niger] soient placés sous notre protectorat et que leurs chefs s'engagent á laisser passer lea caravanes venant á Bammako. D'une maniáre générale, résultat á poursuivre consiste á diriger sur Eanunako le courant commercial établi entre Tombouctou et le Maroc et Tripoli.’.Google Scholar

105 Cf. Brunschwig, ‘Les origines du partage’, 124–5, which argues that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs took the most important decisions, and Stengers, ‘L'impérialisme colonial’, 479, which speculates about the role of the permanent officials.

106 J.O. Déb. Parl. Chambre, séance du 13 juillet 1880, p. 8143; Freycinet, , Rapport au Président de la République, 12 07 1879, J.O. 14 07 1879, p. 6633;Google ScholarRouvier, , Rapport, so 06 1879, J.O. Doe. Parl. Chambre, no. 1497, p. 6328.Google Scholar

107 Cf. Robinson, and Gallagher, , Africa and the Victo1rians, 395409.Google Scholar