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A Comparative Study of French and British Decolonization

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Tony Smith
Affiliation:
Tufts University

Extract

Despite the historical significance of European decolonization after the Second World War, there has been no serious interpretive account of it as an overall process. A number of excellent case studies exist analyzing specific policies or periods in the imperial capitals or in the colonial territories, and there are several chronologically complete surveys of the decline of European rule overseas. These have neither been directed nor followed, however, by studies attempting to conceptualize synthetically the entire period. In default of a wide-ranging debate over the character of decolonization as an historical movement, a kind of conventional wisdom has grown up attributing the differences in the British and French experiences to a combination of their respective imperial traditions and the governing abilities of their domestic political institutions. As yet, there has been no systematic attempt to separate carefully the chief variables to be analyzed, to assign them weights of relative importance, and to coordinate them in an historical and comparative manner. This essay hopes to open discussion of these questions.

Type
Decolonization and the Response of Colonial Elites
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1978

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References

I would like to acknowledge the assistance of the Lehrman Institute and the German Marshall Fund of the United States in the completion of this essay. An earlier version was presented at the Lehrman Institute in December 1975.

1 In this essay, the word ‘colony’ will be used to refer to the variety of overseas possessions called, according to their status in international law, protectorates, trusteeships, and condominiums as well as colonies.

2 For a discussion of the conference, see Marshall, D. Bruce, The French Colonial Myth and Constitution-Making in the Fourth Republic (Yale, 1973), pp. 102–15.Google Scholar

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30 In 1944 there were 40,000 of these farms. By 1956 there were 120,000, while the population total was under 3 million: Zolberg, , op. cit., p. 27.Google Scholar

31 Computed from figures provided by Zolberg, , op. cit., pp. 159 ff.Google Scholar

32 This judgment is shared by Morgenthau, Zolberg, Michael Crowder and Pierre Gonidec, among others.

33 Colin Leys argues that the British effectively created such an elite in Kenya in the few years before their departure. See his Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism, 1964–1971 (University of California, 1974).Google Scholar

34 This suggests that Elliot Berg's influential analysis of the economic limits on political choice in French West Africa after 1945 (article, op. cit.) is too narrow since it fails to distinguish the political and social variables of poverty. Were he correct, were economic need so decisive politically, Algeria would never have had its revolution.

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38 George Kahin estimates that by 1925, perhaps half the families on Java and Madura (together accounting for two-thirds of the country's population) were landless and that this percentage increased during the 1930s. Franchise Cayrac-Blanchard puts the landless there at 60 percent of the population in the early 1970s. Apparently a combination of communal mutual aid, strong patron-client relations, and the existence of two opposed tendencies of Islam combined to discourage class conflict at the village level. See Kahin, , Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia (Cornell 1952), pp. 17 ff;Google ScholarCayrac-Blanchard, , Le parti communiste indonesien (Colin, 1973) pp. 33–4;Google ScholarGeertz, Clifford, The Religion of Java (Chicago, 1960), pp. 127 ff;Google Scholar Ruth McVey, ‘The Social Roots of Indonesian Communism’ (speech published by the Centre d'Etude du Sud-Est Asiatique et de l'Extrème-Orient, l'Université Libre de Bruxelles); and Mortimer, Rex, ‘Class, Social Cleavage, and Indonesian Communism’, Indonesia, no. 8, October 1969 (Cornell).Google Scholar

40 The significance this alliance for the political development of India is given central importance by Moore, Barrington Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Beacon, 1966), pp. 370 ff.Google Scholar

41 Maddison, Angus, Class Structure and Economic Growth: India and Pakistan since the Moghuls (George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1971), chap. 3.Google Scholar

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