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Goldman, Ralph M.
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Nikolov, Stephan E.
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Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict.
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Article contents
A Transactional Theory of Political Integration and Arms Control*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 August 2014
Extract
Nominally, the English became a nation in the eighth century but did not achieve political integration until the seventeenth century, a thousand years later. During the millennium, the English “nation” was the scene of recurring internal wars, the last ending with the acceptance of the Bill of Rights by William III and Mary in 1688. What was the process leading to cessation in the use of armed conflict as a technique of domestic politics in England?
Nominally, Mexico was an independent nation in 1821 but did not see the end of its internal wars until the 1940's. What political process led to domestic “arms control” in Mexico?
Although taking place in different centuries and in nations with distinct political cultures, were there common elements in the two transitions to internal arms control? What were critical factors in the integrative process? May the same factors, or analogous ones, be identified and controlled in contemporary efforts related to regional and international arms control? What may be learned from the English, the Mexican, and other national cases that is generalizable to the problem of international political integration and arms control?
The present theory sketch views arms control as an aspect of the integration of political organizations. Political integration, in turn, is the consequence of a process of political transactions among principal political actors over time.
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- Copyright © American Political Science Association 1969
Footnotes
*
This report is part of an investigation under contract between the Group Psychology Branch, Office of Naval Research, and the Frederic Burk Foundation for Education, San Francisco State College. (Contract Nonr-4722 (00), Project NR 177258). The author is indebted to Luigi Petrullo, Director, Psychological Sciences Division, ONR, and Abraham S. Levine, formerly of the Group Psychology Branch, for their advice and encouragement.
References
1 The distinction between “disarmament” and “arms control” is significant. Neither England nor Mexico, for example, is a domestically disarmed nation. Rather, as a consequence of the processes to be examined with this theory, each nation—as others that are politically integrated—has established a monopoly of its major means of internal violence. Domestic peace, that is, the cessation of internal wars, seems to be associated with conditions of arms control (involving decisional currency exchanges) rather than disarmament.
“Political development” and “political integration” are also troublesome terms that should not delay us long. Since World War II, the rubric “political development” has tended to be employed mainly to describe comparative studies of national modernization, particularly with respect to the growth of economic organization and governmental bureaucracies. Overviews of current usage are reported in Huntington, Samuel P., “Political Development and Political Decay,” World Politics, 17 (04, 1965), 386–430 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Riggs, Fred W., “The Theory of Political Development,” in Charlesworth, J. C. (ed.), Contemporary Political Analysis (New York: The Free Press 1967), pp. 317–349 Google Scholar; Holt, Robert T. and Turner, John E., The Political Basis of Economic Development (Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nostrand, 1966)Google Scholar. The approach described in this report is “developmental” simply in its search for recurring tendencies.
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4 Some theoretical difficulties of the case study method of political inquiry are described in Stein, Harold (ed.), Public Administration and Policy Development; A Case Book (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1952), pp. xx–xxx Google Scholar; also, Berelson, Bernard and Steiner, G. A., Human Behavior (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1964), p. 27 Google Scholar, The logical and empirical pitfalls of ex post facto research are succinctly stated in Kerlinger, Fred N., Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), pp. 360 ff.Google Scholar, whereas the more general requirements of scientific historiography are discussed in Nagel, Ernest, The Structure of Science (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961), Chap. 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hempel, Carl G., “The Functions of General Laws in History,” in Feigl, Herbert and Sellars, Wilfred (eds.), Readings in Philosophical Analysis (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1949), pp. 459–471 Google Scholar; and Gardiner, Patrick, The Nature of Historical Explanation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1952)Google Scholar. To cope with some of the limitations of ex post facto tests of hypotheses, this project anticipates developing a simulation experiment which will presumably permit measurement of player behavior as related to currency transactions, attitudes of trust and suspicion, and other variables of the present theory. For an important attempt to replicate historical events through an experimental simulation, see Hermann, Charles F. and Hermann, Margaret G., “An Attempt to Simulate the Outbreak of World War I,” this Review, 61 (06, 1967), 400–416 Google Scholar.
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9 One of the best behavioral formulations is found in Kuhn, Alfred, The Study of Society (Homewood, Illinois: Irwin-Dorsey Press, 1963)Google Scholar.
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14 “… Evolution of trust goes through phases brought on by a time-dependent cognitive reappraisal of the relationship,” in the words of Pilisuk, Marc, Skolnick, Paul, Thomas, Kenneth, and Chapman, Reuben, “Boredom vs. Cognitive Reappraisal in the Development of Cooperative Strategy,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 9 (03, 1967), p. 116 Google Scholar. Cf. processes taking place during “critical transition” in the present theory.
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16 Political scientists are becoming increasingly aware of the central importance of trust attitudes in political and social relations. Most of the work, however, continues to be done by sociologists and psychologists. The trust-suspicion factor is expounded and experimented with by the following: Gamson, William A., Power and Discontent (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1968), Chap. 3Google Scholar; Deutsch, M., “Trust and Suspicion,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 2 (12, 1958), 265–279 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “Some Considerations Relevant to National Policy,” Journal of Social Issues, 17 (1961), 57–68 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Deutsch, M. and Krauss, R. M., “Studies in Interpersonal Bargaining,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 6 (03, 1962), 52–76 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Garfinkel, Harold, “A conception of, and Experiments with, ‘Trust’ as a Condition of Stable Concerted Actions,” in Harvey, O. J. (ed.), Motivation and Social Interaction (New York: Ronald Press, 1963), pp. 187–238 Google Scholar; Hoedemaker, E. D., “Distrust and Aggression: An Interpersonal-International Analogy,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 12 (03, 1968), 69–81 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lieberman, B., “i-Trust: A Notion of Trust in Three-Person Games and International Affairs,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 8 (09, 1964), 271–280 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pilisuk, Marc et al., “Honesty, Deceit, and Timing in the Display of Intentions,” Behavioral Science, 12 (05, 1967), 205–215 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Shure, G. H. and Meeker, R. J., “A Personality/Attitude Schedule for Use in Experimental Studies,” Journal of Psychology, 65 (1967), 233–252 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
17 Ake, Claude, A Theory of Political Integration (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1967), pp. 8–11 Google Scholar.
18 An excellent empirical study of political integration, employing a content analysis of the American colonial press, is Merritt's, Richard L. Symbols of American Community, 1735–1775 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966)Google Scholar. For an outstanding attempt to cope with the logical and empirical issues of defining “integration,” see Galtung, Johan, “A Structural Theory of Integration,” Journal of Peace Research (1968), No. 4, pp. 375–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. According to Galtung, integration is “the process whereby two or more actors form a new actor.”
19 For development of these definitions, Truman, David B., The Governmental Process (New York: Knopf, 1951)Google Scholar; Barnard, Chester, The Functions of the Executive (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938)Google Scholar; March, James G. and Simon, Herbert A., Organizations (New York: Wiley, 1958)Google Scholar; and Gross, Bertram M., The Managing of Organizations (New York: Free Press, 1964)Google Scholar.
20 Defined in this author's “A Theory of Conflict Processes and Organizational Offices,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 10 (09, 1966), 331–334 Google Scholar.
21 Buchanan and Tullock, op. cit.
22 See cited Final Technical Report entitled “A Transactional Theory of Political Integration and Arms Control” (11 1968)Google Scholar, Office of Naval Research Project NR 177258, Contral Nonr-4722 (00).
23 This Review, 26 (April, 1932), 223–240.
24 The mathematical and logical problems of measurement in such a time-series may be considered in the light of the excellent discussion by Coleman, James S., “The Mathematical Study of Change,” in Blalock, Hubert M. Jr., and Blalock, Ann B. (eds.), Methodology in Social Research (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), Chap. 11Google Scholar.
25 Final Technical Report, ONR Project NR 177258, op. cit.
26 For further pertinent comment, Holsti, Ole R. and North, Robert C., “History as a ‘Laboratory of Conflict’,” in McNeil, Elton B. (ed.), Social Science and Human Conflict (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1955)Google Scholar.
27 Rosenberg, Milton J., in Rosenau, James N. (ed.), Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1967)Google Scholar, for example, attempts to build new ways to reduce distrust between the United States and the Soviet Union from approaches suggested by validated psychological theories. One suggestion is to rely upon systematic “cross-trading,” wherein the advantage in one interest conflict is given to one side, while the advantage in another conflict is given to the other side. Thus, adversary leaders may be conditioned away from the view that their relationship is an extended zero-sum game, and attitudes of distrust toward one another may be modified by overt transactional successes.
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