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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
No law of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and few incidents in its constitutional history have received so much attention from recent historians as the Assise sur la ligece and the establishment of the Commune of Acre. But perhaps for the reason that a great achievement of the last few years has been the delineation of the twelfth-century monarchy, the later history of the Assise and its practical application in a series of disputes between the government and the baronage have not received much attention. The sources for the Assise all date from the middle years of the thirteenth century, by which time the Palestinian jurists' interpretation of it was at the end of a long period of development; and there is something to be said for trying to trace its history from that moment towards the end of the twelfth century when it became the basis for baronial resistance to the crown. In this paper, therefore, I will study the law's development from the reign of Aimery (1198-1205). I will argue that it was in the course of a dispute between that king and Ralph of Tiberias that the Assise was interpreted in such a way as to justify open opposition to arbitrary acts by the king; that this interpretation was used with most success early in 1229, during the Crusade of the Emperor Frederick II; but that, as far as the Kingdom of Jerusalem was concerned, the creation of the Commune of Acre in 1231-2 coincided with its final failure, and events at that time revealed inherent weaknesses in its use as an instrument of resistance. It follows that the detailed treatment of the law by Philip of Novara and John of Jaffa some decades later is a further demonstration of their fascinating but essentially unrealistic vision.
2 For the Assise sur la ligece, see Grandclaude, M., Étude critique sur les livres des Assises de Jérusalem (Paris 1923) 151–3 and ‘Liste d'Assises remontant au premier royaume de Jérusalem (1099-1187),’ Mélanges Paul Fournier (Paris 1929) 339; L. La Monte, J., Feudal Monarchy in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, Mass. 1932) 21–5; Prawer, J., 'La noblesse et le régime féodal du royaume latin de Jérusalem,’ Le moyen ǎge 65 (1959) 64–73; Richard, J., 'Pairie d'Orient latin,’ Revue historique de droit français et étranger sér. 4 28 (1950) 76–7; Mayer, H. E., Geschichte der Kreuzzüge (Stuttgart 1965) 117, 150-1. For the Commune of Acre, see L. La Monte, J., 'The Communal Movement in Syria in the Thirteenth Century,’ Haskins Anniversary Essays (Boston/New York 1929) 124–8; Prawer, J., ‘Estates, Communities and the Constitution of the Latin Kingdom’ Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, ii, no. 6 (1966) 1–27 (the only study so far to associate the Assise with the Commune); H. E. Mayer, ‘On the Beginnings of the Communal Movement in the Holy Land: The Commune of Tyre,’ Traditio 24 (1968) 443-5.Google Scholar
3 In Cyprus there were two further applications of the Assise, one of them certainly in 1232-3, the other probably in the early 1230s. Google Scholar
4 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, ‘ Livre ,’ ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des croisades, Lois 1.215.Google Scholar
5 Richard, ('Pairie,’ 76-7) has suggested that it was Baldwin III who took action against Gerard, although for reasons unconnected with the dispossession of a rear-vassal. The jurists only mentioned Amalric.Google Scholar
6 The reference could be to men-at-arms serving in the garrisons of castles and towns. Google Scholar
7 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 214-5, 317, 320; Philip of Novara, ‘Le Livre de Forme de Plait,’ ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Lois. 1.517, 518, 525-6, 527.Google Scholar
8 See Ibelin-Jaffa, Ibelin-Jaffa, 313-22. John (313) envisaged the possibility that a vassal might already have made ligece elsewhere, but he also stated (314) that he ought to make it to the chief lord.Google Scholar
9 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 317-20; Philip of Novara, 526-7. Google Scholar
10 See Prawer, J., ‘Les premiers temps de la féodalité dans le royaume latin de Jérusalem,’ Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 22 (1954) 418–21.Google Scholar
11 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 321-2. If the Assise did cover the fealty of burgesses, then presumably there was some sort of appeals-procedure for them to the Cour des Bourgeois of Jerusalem or Acre. Google Scholar
12 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 254.Google Scholar
13 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 315 (see also 321, 323-9, 332-5); Philip of Novara, 516-8, 527-8; ‘L'Estoire d'Eracles empereur et la conqueste de la Terre d'Outremer,’ Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux 2.390.Google Scholar
14 ‘La noblesse,’ 65–6.Google Scholar
15 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 389–90; Philip of Novara, 508-17.Google Scholar
16 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 215, 320, 323; Philip of Novara, 527. Google Scholar
17 See especially, John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 333-4. Google Scholar
18 These seem to have been refusal of esgart on escheat or esgart of court, or failure to hold to the decision of a court by esgart, conoissance or recort, or failure to pay what was due on a money fief, or to support by holding court a vassal deprived of his fief by another or banishment. For Cypriot demands for payment on a money fief, see John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 326. Google Scholar
19 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 323-9, 332-5, 387-8; Philip of Novara, 516-8, 527-8. It is not clear how many a lord should be formally summoned before the withdrawal of service was justified. John of Ibelin-Jaffa (389-90) wrote that the lord should be summoned ‘several times’ in court; but it seems that appeals were generally made three times. John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 326; Philip of Novara, 508, 510, 528. It has been rightly pointed out that in all cases known in which the Assise was raised the crown was involved. Prawer ‘La noblesse,’ 70. Google Scholar
20 Ralph had become Lord of Tiberias by March 1198. Regesta regni Hierosolymitani, 1097–1291, comp. Röhricht, R. (Innsbruck 1893/1904) nos. 740, 747; ‘Les Lignages d'Outremer', ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Lois 2.455.Google Scholar
21 Regesta Hier. nos. 717, 720-2, 722a, 724, 727, 733, 735, 740b, 743-4, 747, 821, 853, 892, 898, 930, 933-4.Google Scholar
22 Philip of Novara, 570 (see also pp. 522-3, 525, 544); John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 430. For cases in which Ralph was involved, see especially Innocent III, PL 216.980 in which a ‘Reginald’ of Tiberias acted as advocate when Humphrey of Toron appealed to the High Court over the abduction of Isabella; and for the complicated process of renouncing homage made to Bohemond IV of Tripoll, another lawyer, see Philip of Novara, 543-4, 50; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 401; ‘Eracles’ 2.230-1.Google Scholar
23 See Runciman, S., A History of the Crusades (Cambridge 1951-5) 2 passim. Google Scholar
24 Hill, G. F., A History of Cyprus (Cambridge 1940-52) 2.44-66; E. C. Furber, ‘The Kingdom of Cyprus', in K. M. Setton (ed.-in-chief), A History of the Crusades (Philadelphia 1955 ff.) 2.604-5.Google Scholar
25 ‘Eracles’ 2 .222-3; Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, ed. de Mas Latrie, L. (Paris 1871) 309–10. See Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jérusalem, ed. Delaville Le Roulx, J. (Paris 1894-1906) no. 1044. Also H. E. Mayer, ‘Das Ponti-fikale von Tyrus und die Krönung der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem,’ in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21 (1967) 193.Google Scholar
26 Philip of Novara, 523, 544, 570; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 429-30. Google Scholar
27 Philip of Novara, 521-2, 536; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 25-6, 429. Google Scholar
28 Philip of Novara, 521, 523, 536; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 429. Google Scholar
29 Philip of Novara, 522-3; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 430 (who wrote of a commision of four). Google Scholar
30 Grandclaude, , Étude critique, 46–50; Richard, J. Le royaume latin de Jérusalem (Paris 1953) 203.Google Scholar
31 Grandclaude, , op. cit. 120–3.Google Scholar
32 I would follow Prawer, J. ('Étude sur le droit des Assises de Jérusalem,’ Revue historique de droit français et étranger, sér. 4, 39-40 ( 1961-2), 39 [1961] 522 n. 2) in doubting the thesis of M. Grandclaude (‘Caractère du “Livre au roi”’, Revue historique de droit français et étranger, sér. 4, 5 [1926] 308-14.)Google Scholar
33 ‘Livre au roi,’ 609, 634.Google Scholar
34 ‘Livre au roi,’ 623. See also 624.Google Scholar
35 The word ‘accroire’ seems to have meant to exercise rather than to increase. See its use in the narrative of the writer of ‘Eracles’ (2.203) concerning Henry of Champagne's claims on patriarchal elections. Google Scholar
36 ‘Livre au roi,’ 607.Google Scholar
37 ‘Livre au roi,’ 624.Google Scholar
38 The assise was attributed to Baldwin II, but there seems to be much to support the views of Prawer, (‘Étude’ [suite] 38-42). Google Scholar
39 See Philip of Novara, 487-8; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 158-62, 303-5, 307-10. See also Prawer, ‘Étude’ (suite) 36. Google Scholar
40 ‘Livre au roi,’ 616-7. I have followed a slightly different arrangement to that in the treatment by Prawer ('Étude,’ 525-6).Google Scholar
41 Prawer, , op. cit., passim. Google Scholar
42 Prawer, , op. cit., 523 n. 16. See also note c. of Beugnot to ‘Livre au roi,’ 616.Google Scholar
43 See sepecially Jolliffe, J. E. A., Angevin Kingship (2nd ed., London 1963) 50–86.Google Scholar
44 Philip of Novara, 487-8; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 158-62, 303-5, 307-10. Google Scholar
45 Except perhaps for the occupation of Jaffa by Baldwin IV during the rebellion of Guy of Lusignan in 1184. Google Scholar
46 Coins were being minted by individual barons. See Schlumberger, G., Numismatique de l'Orient latin (Paris 1878-82) 114.Google Scholar
47 See below, at nn. 52 and 75. Google Scholar
48 Aimery was in Tyre in August 1198 and Ralph was with him. Cart. gen. Hosp., no. 1032. Google Scholar
49 There are four versions of this incident. In three of them, two assailants are mentioned, but the fourth, the most circumstantial, gives the number of German knights as four. ‘Eracles,’ 2.224, 228-9; Ernoul, 310-11. Google Scholar
50 ‘Eracles,’ 2.228-9 (see also 224); Ernoul, 310-11.Google Scholar
51 ‘Eracles,’ 2.216.Google Scholar
52 The last occasion that Ralph witnessed one of Aimery's charters was in October 1198: L. de Mas Latrie, Histoire de l'ǐle de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, (Paris 1852-61) 2.24-5. One phrase in the document seems to suggest that Aimery was still ill.Google Scholar
53 ‘Eracles,’ 2.230 (see 224); Ernoul, 311.Google Scholar
54 This is clear from the accounts of Philip of Novara (518) and John of Ibelin-Jaffa (327-8). The writers of ‘Eracles’ (2.224) and Ernoul (311) reported that Aimery had no proof of Ralph's guilt. Google Scholar
55 Prawer, , ‘Estates,’ 4ff.Google Scholar
56 He seems to have said that he was prepared to defend himself in a judicial duel against anyone who cared to accept his challenge, from a kitchen scullion to the king himself. Google Scholar
57 This is not clear, for surely Ralph would have been banished anyway. Google Scholar
58 Philip of Novara, 518, 528-9; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 327-8. From October 1198-August 1200 there survives no charter from Aimery witnessed by his vassals. Regesta Hier., nos. 747-774; but see no. 761a which has survived only in an abstract. Google Scholar
59 See especially John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 327. It is, however, curious that the writers of ‘Eracles’ (2.224, 230) and Ernoul (311) did not mention Ralph's resistance. Google Scholar
60 He is not to be found back in the Kingdom of Jerusalem until 1207. Regesta Hier. no. 821. Google Scholar
61 See John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 328. Google Scholar
62 ‘Les Gestes des Chiprois’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Documents Arméniens, 2.682. It is important to remember that from his wife's death until he was personally received in Acre, Frederick was not, and could not be in law, regent of Jerusalem.Google Scholar
63 See Hill, , Cyprus, 2.94–100; Runciman, Crusades, 3.179-83.Google Scholar
64 Runciman, , Crusades , 3.184–9; C. Van Cleve, T., ‘The Crusade of Frederick II,’ in Setton, Crusades, 2.429-62. For the ‘self-coronation’ of Frederick II, see Mayer, ‘Ponti-fikale,’ 200-10.Google Scholar
65 Philip of Novara (517, 528) made it clear that the fiefs involved were in or around Acre. Google Scholar
66 Philip of Novara, 517, 528; John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 325. Google Scholar
67 For the acquisitions of the Teutonic Knights, see Hubatsch, W., ‘Montfort und die Bildung des Deutschordensstaates im Heiligen Lande’ Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Phil.-Hist. Klasse (1966) 183–4.Google Scholar
68 He cannot have been more than fourteen years old and not yet a knight, being born in c. 1215. See ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 708. Google Scholar
69 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 112-3, 325-6. Google Scholar
70 See Richard, Le royaume latin, 238-9; Hill, Cyprus, 2.108. Google Scholar
71 John of Jaffa, 112. See also the additional evidence below n. 73. Google Scholar
72 John of Ibelin-Jaffa, 326. Google Scholar
73 Historia diplomatica Frederici secundi, ed. L. A. de Huillard-Bréholles, J. (Paris 1852-61), 3.123-5.Google Scholar
74 Regesta Hier., nos. 1003-14. See no. 1002.Google Scholar
75 Prawer, , ‘Estates’, 13–23; La Monte, ‘Communal Movement,’ 124-5; Runciman, Crusades, 3.196-7; Richard, Le royaume latin, 241-3.Google Scholar
76 ‘Eracles,’ 2.388-91.Google Scholar
77 See Prawer, , ‘Estates,’ 20–22. Mayer, H. E. in a review of Prawer's ‘Estates’ (in Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 54 [ 1967] 111) has suggested that the Confraternity of St. Andrew was originally founded in Jerusalem.Google Scholar
78 See Prawer, , op. cit. 22.Google Scholar
79 ‘Eracles,’ 2.391-2.Google Scholar
80 Prawer, , ‘Estates,’ 23–5.Google Scholar
81 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 707.Google Scholar
82 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 722.Google Scholar
83 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 724.Google Scholar
84 There are difficulties connected with these. See Prawer ‘Estates,’ 24-5. But the ‘syndics’ of the ‘maiores consules’ may have represented the members of the High Court within the Commune: in Italian cities the knights, the ‘maiores’ were differentiated from the craftsmen and town-dwelling peasantry, the ‘minores.’ For a later syndic of the High Court, see Codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine gerosolimitano oggi di Malta, ed. Lucca, S. Pauli 1733-7) 1.157-61. For the view that the High Court continued in being, see below at n. 110.Google Scholar
85 See Mayer, ‘Communal Movement’ passim; La Monte, ‘Communal Movement,’ 122-4; Prawer, ‘Estates,’ 27-36.Google Scholar
86 Prawer, , ‘Estates,’ 23.Google Scholar
87 Presumably neither Odo of Montbéliard nor Balian of Sidon became members of the Commune, so I have omitted the fiefs of Tiberias and Sidon. Google Scholar
88 See particularly the statement of Philip of Novara that the imperial ban ran in Tyre. ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 731. Also Regesta Hier., no. 1086. Google Scholar
89 Regesta Hier. no. 1107.Google Scholar
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91 “Acte de soumission des barons du royaume de Jérusalem à Frédéric II (7 Mai 1241), ed. Röhricht, R., in Archives de l'Orient latin, 1 (1881) 402–3; Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig mit besonderer Beziehung auf Byzanz und die Levante, ed. Tafel, G. L. F. and Thomas, G. M. (Vienna 1856-7) No. 299, p. 355.Google Scholar
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94 Cart. gen. Hosp. nos. 2015, 2033. See also the ‘Livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois,’ (ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des Croisades. Lois 2) if the date of 1240-44 given for its composition by Prawer, J. (L'établissement des coutumes du marché à St. Jean d'Acre et la date du composition du Livre des Assises des Bourgeois,’ Revue historique de droit français et étranger, sér. 4, 29 (1951) 346–8) is correct.Google Scholar
95 Prawer, , ‘Estates,’ 14-27.Google Scholar
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97 ‘Livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois,’ 225.Google Scholar
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99 Cart. gen. Hosp. no. 116.Google Scholar
100 Cartulaire de l'église du St. Sépulcre de Jérusalem, ed. Rozière, E. de (Paris 1849), nos. 56, 59, 60.Google Scholar
101 Cart. gen. Hosp. no. 422. Other possible examples of combined meetings may be found in Cart. St. Sépulcre, no. 33; Tabulae ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin 1869) no.16.Google Scholar
102 William of Tyre, 1110. It is interesting and perhaps suggestive that the translation of ‘Eracles’ made no reference to the people. See also the decision made in 1153 to besiege Ascalon ‘communicato tam majorum quam minorum consilio.’ William of Tyre, 794-5. Google Scholar
103 For later combined meetings: 1250: ‘Abrégé du Livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois,’ ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Lois , 2.246-9: 1269: ‘Documents relatifs à la successibilité au trǒne et à la régence,’ ed. Beugnot, Comte, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Lois, 2.415: 1276: ‘Eracles,’ 2.474.Google Scholar
104 ‘Doc. rel. succ,’ 399, although John did refer to the attempt to appoint Philip of Maugustel in 1233.Google Scholar
105 ‘Eracles,’ 2.389. It has been suggested that the barons would have felt that the Emperor could not undo by letters what he had done in person in the High Court. Prawer, ‘Estates,’ 19. But this argument, presented by John of Caesarea when he justified resistance to Philip of Maugustel in 1233, was of doubtful legality, and there is some evidence that it was the violence of the Commune rather than the validity of John's arguments that prevented Philip's appointment. ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 721-2; ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 399.Google Scholar
106 ‘Eracles,’ 2.390.Google Scholar
107 Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificium Romanorum selectae (Monumenta Germaniae historica, 1893-4) 1. nos. 656, 674.Google Scholar
108 See below at n. 123. Google Scholar
109 ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 399. See ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 722.Google Scholar
110 ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 399.Google Scholar
111 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 721-2; ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 399.Google Scholar
112 Balian of Sidon was entitled bailli in a document of 28 September 1231. Cart. gen. Hosp., no. 1996. After that date and before October 1233 neither he nor Odo seem to have used the title. Cart. gen. Hosp., nos. 2001-3, 2033; Mas Latrie, Chypre, 3.633-6.Google Scholar
113 Cart. gen. Hosp. no. 2067 — although this is the only documentary reference to his bailliage. Google Scholar
114 ‘Eiacles,’ 2.395; ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 711. The second source put the capture of the ships after the battle of Casal Imbert, but this is unlikely.Google Scholar
115 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 722; ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 399.Google Scholar
116 Ep. saec. 1. nos. 649-50.Google Scholar
117 Ep. saec. 1. nos. 578, 593-4, 656-7, 673-5, ‘Eracles,’ 2.406-7. See also ‘Acte de soumission’ of 1241.Google Scholar
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119 Urkunden Venedig, no. 299 (355).Google Scholar
120 ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 731-2; ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 400; Urkunden Venedig, no. 299 (355). But see ‘Eracles,’ 2.420.Google Scholar
121 See Richard, , ‘Pairie’ passim. Google Scholar
122 ‘Eracles,’ 2.390. ‘De quoi entre les autres establissement et les assises, y est ceste assise que seignor ne puet ne doit dessaisir son home sanz esgart de cort.’Google Scholar
123 ‘Eracles,’ 2.393.Google Scholar
124 There are many examples, but perhaps the best is in a description of how Hugh of Antioch-Lusignan required the kingdom ‘as homes et à la gent de Acre.’ ‘Doc. rel. succ.’ 415. Cf. the description of the Commune by the writer of ‘Eracles’ (2.406) as ‘la comunauté des gens do roiaume de Jerusalem.’ Google Scholar
125 ‘Eracles,’ 2.394.Google Scholar
126 ‘Eracles,’ 2.393-4.Google Scholar
127 ‘Eracles,’ 2.394; ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ p. 704.Google Scholar
128 See Richard of San Germano, 'Chronica,’ Rerum italicarum scriptores. New Series vii, 2, 181.Google Scholar
129 ‘Eracles,’ 2.395; ‘Gestes des Chiprois,’ 705-6, 707-8.Google Scholar
130 That the Commune had been founded late in 1231 is clear from the statement by the writer of ‘Eracles’ (2.392) that the news of its establishment was sent to John of Beirut while he was still in Cyprus. Google Scholar
131 ‘Eracles,’ 2.392, 393.Google Scholar
132 See ‘ Eracles,’ 2.391.Google Scholar
133 See Prawer, ‘Estates,’ 36-9; La Monte, ‘Communal Movement,’ 128-9.Google Scholar
