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Chinese Communist Attitudes Towards Buddhism in Chinese History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

In the journal Hsien-tai Fo-hsueh (Modern Buddhism), September 1959, there appeared a long article entitled “Lun Tsung-chiao Hsin-yang Tzu-yu” (“A Discussion Concerning Freedom of Religious Belief”), by Ya Han-chang, which was originally published in the official Communist ideological journal Hung Ch'i (Red Flag), 1959, No. 14. Appearing as it did in Red Flag it is justifiable to conclude that the views expressed in it represented the accepted Communist attitude toward religion. In this article, Ya wrote that the basic policy of the Chinese Communist Party and the People's Republic of China is to “recognise that everyone has the freedom to believe in a religion, and also that everyone has the freedom not to believe in a religion.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1965

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References

1 Modern Buddhism, 09 1959.Google Scholar

2 Fan, Wen-lan, Chung-kuo T'ung-shih Chien-pien (Concise General History of China), (Peking: 1949) pp. 231232.Google Scholar

3 Jen, Chi-yü, “Hua-yen-tsung Szu-hsiang Lüeh-lun” (“A Preliminary Discussion of Hua-yen Thought”), Philosophical Studies, No. 1, 1961.Google Scholar The entire article was translated into English and published in the Union Research Service, Vol. 24, Nos. 5 and 6, July 18 and 21, 1961. However, I have made independent translations of the portions I use in this article.Google Scholar

4 For these views, see Hou, Wai-lu and others, Chung-kuo Szu-hsiang T'ung-shih (General History of Chinese Thought) (Peking: 1959) IV, pp. 149155, 262–263.Google Scholar

5 Ibid. 275.

6 Ibid. 228–229.

7 Jen, op. cit., pp. 28, 29.Google Scholar

8 Ibid. p. 30.

9 In the People's Daily for July 21, 1959, appeared the following statement: “In the midst of the democratic revolution, the protection of the freedom of religious belief, the protection of temples and monasteries that abide by the law, and the protection of historical and cultural monuments, must be carried out thoroughly. At the same time, the temples and monasteries should oppose all counter-revolutionary movements, all feudalistic special powers, and all illegal deprivations.”Google Scholar

10 Fan, Wen-lan, Concise General History of China, p. 722.Google Scholar

11 Chien, Po-tsan and others, Chung-kuo Li-shih Kai-yao (Outlines of Chinese History), (Peking: 1956), p. 24.Google Scholar

12 Chou, Ku-ch'eng, Chung-kuo T'ung-shih (General History of China), (Shanghai: 1959), p. 442.Google Scholar

13 Hou, Wai-lu and others, General History of Chinese Thought, IV, 256 et seq.Google Scholar

14 Jen, Chi-yü, “A Preliminary Discussion of Hua-yen Thought,” Philosophical Studies, No. 1, 1961.Google Scholar See also Hou, , Chinese Thought, IV.259/262, where copious quotations from the Neo-Confucian philosophers are cited. Examples of such quotations are:Google Scholar

(a) “The myriad things are complete in me; not merely is this true of men but also of things.” Erh-ch'eng Yü-lu (Recorded Sayings of the Ch'eng Brothers) 2.20b, Cheng-i-t'ang edition.Google Scholar

(b) “Things are shih. If one can exhaust the li that is in shih, then there is nothing that is not understood.” Ibid. 9.1b.

(c) “By observing the li that is in shih, the li of the whole world can be obtained.” Ibid. 15.9a.

(d) “The myriad things in their entirety is the Great Ultimate, but if we take them separately, then each thing shares in the Great Ultimate.” Chou Lien-hsi Chi, 1.16a, Cheng-i-t'ang edition.Google Scholar

15 Hou, , Chinese Thought, IV.262–263.Google Scholar

16 Ibid. 4.670.

17 See Ch'iu-lo, , “Pien-wen yü Chung-kuo Wen-hsueh,” (“Pien-wen and Chinese Literature), Modern Buddhism, 11 1958;Google ScholarCh'ang, Jen-hsia, Tung-fang l-shu Ts'ung-t'an (Collected Remarks on Eastern Art), (Shanghai: 1956), p. 99.Google Scholar

18 Lo, Ch'ang-p'ei, “Indian Influence on the Study of Chinese Phonology,” Sino-Indian Studies, 03 1944.117124.Google Scholar

19 On the Buddhist contribution to sculpture, see the following articles: (a) Ch'ang, Jen-hsia, “Yun-kang Shih-k'e I-shu” (“The Sculptural Art of Yun-kang”), Modern Buddhism, 02 1958;Google Scholar (b) Ibid., “Fo-chiao yü Chung-kuo Hui-hua” (“Buddhism and Chinese Painting”), Modern Buddhism, 10 1958Google Scholar; (c) Ibid., “Fo-chia yü Chung-kuo Tiao-k'e” (“Buddhism and Chinese Sculpture”), Modern Buddhism, 12 1958Google Scholar; (d) Ibid., “Mai-chi-shan ti Fo-chiao I-shu” (“Buddhist Art of Mai-chi-shan”) Modern Buddhism, 02 1957Google Scholar; (e) Chin, Wei-no, “Sui T'ang Shih-tai ti tiao-su-chia” (“Sculptors of the Sui T'ang Period”), Modern Buddhism, 01 1963Google Scholar; (f) T'ung-i, and Tung, Yü-hsiang, “Yun-kang Ti-wu-shih-ch'üeh ti Tsao-hsiang I-shu” (“The Sculptural Art of Cave 50 in Yun-kang”), Modern Buddhism, 02 1963Google Scholar. As for the stress on folk art, here are some samples. “The special feature about the rock-cut images of Lung-men is that the artists were able to synthesise various forms of traditional art and create a new form of people's art.” “The artistic products of the Sui T'ang Dynasties to an even greater extent manifested a superior people's style.” Modern Buddhism, 12 1958.Google Scholar

20 See the article on “Byo” in Hōbōgirin, 3.225–265, especially 257265Google Scholar; Pierre, Huard and Ming, Wong, La Médecine Chinoise au cours des Siècles, (Paris: 1959), pp. 2732Google Scholar; Ch'en, Yin-ch'üeh, “Hua-t'o Chuan” (“Biography of Hua-t'o”), Tsinghua Journal 06 1930.Google Scholar

21 Taishō, No. 793Google Scholar, Fo-i Ching (Sutra on Buddhist Healings)Google Scholar; Taishō, No. 219Google Scholar, I-yü Ching (Medical Parables)Google Scholar; Taishō, No. 1330Google Scholar, Lo-fu-nu Shuo Chiu-liao Hsiao-erh Chi-ping Ching (Sutra Spoken by Ravana on Healing Children's Ailments)Google Scholar; Taishō, No. 1325, Liao-chih Ping Ching (Sutra on Healing Piles)Google Scholar; Taishō, No. 1691Google Scholar, Chia-yeh Hsien-jen Shuo I-nü-jen Ching (Sutra Spoken by Kāśyapa on Treating Women).Google Scholar

22 (a) Lung-shu P'u-sa Yao-fang, 4 ch. (Nāgārjuna's Book of Prescriptions)Google Scholar; (b) Hsi-yü Chu-hsien So-shuo Yao-fang, 23 ch. (Prescriptions Prescribed by Various Immortals from the Western Regions)Google Scholar; (c) Hsi-yü P'o-lo-hsien-jen-fang, 3 ch. (Prescriptions of Brahman Immortals from the Western Regions)Google Scholar; (d) Hsi-yü Ming-i So-chi Yao-fang, 4 ch. (Prescriptions Collected by Famous Doctors of the Western Regions)Google Scholar; (e) P'o-lo-men Chu-hsien Yao-fang, 20 ch. (Prescriptions of Brahman Immortals)Google Scholar; (f) P'o-lo-men Yao-fang, 5 ch. (Brahman Prescriptions).Google Scholar

23 One line in a poem of Po Chü-i referred to this work. “On the table the pages of Nāgārjuna's Treatise is scattered about.”Google Scholar

24 This treatment is mentioned in a poem by Liu presented to the Indian doctor, now found in Ch'uan T'ang-shih, ch. 13.Google Scholar

“My two eyes have become blind early,Google Scholar

Although I am middle-aged, I am like an old man.Google Scholar

I look at vermilion and it resembles green.Google Scholar

I am afraid of the sun and cannot stand the wind.Google Scholar

You, my master, know the method of the golden comb.Google Scholar

Can you help me see again?”Google Scholar

The method of using the golden comb for cataracts is described in the Ta-pan Nieh-p'an Ching, ch. 8 (Mahāparinirvānasūtra), Taishō, 12.411c, 652c; and Ta-jih Ching Su, ch. 9 (Commentary on the Mahāvairocanasūtra), Taishō, 39.699c. See also Hōbōgirin 3.261 for illustrations of the golden comb.Google Scholar

25 Chao, Pu-chu, Buddhism in China, (Peking: 1957), p. 30.Google Scholar

26 Lu, Hsün, Chung-kuo Hsiao-shuo Shih-lüeh (Short History of Chinese Fiction) (Hong Kong: 1958), pp. 3234.Google Scholar

27 The Buddhist source of this story is the Chiu-tsa Pi-yü Ching (The Old Book of Miscellaneous Parables), Taishō, 4.514a, translated by K'ang Seng-hui in the third century, where we read that a religious student spit out a jar, and in the jar was a girl. While the student went to sleep, the girl then spit out a jar which contained a boy. After sleeping with the youth, the girl then swallowed the jar with the boy. The student then awoke, put the girl back into the jar and swallowed it.Google Scholar

28 Modern Buddhism, 05 1961Google Scholar. A graphic description of such mass entertainment is given in the Lo-yang Chia-lan Chi (Description of the Monasteries in Lo-yang), ch. 1, Taishō, 51.1003b, “Musicians were assembled to demonstrate their art within the temple, while rare birds and strange beasts danced within the courtyard. Acrobatic stunts, deceiving magical acts, and strange skilful feats such as had never been seen previously by people, were assembled and performed before the crowds. Some magicians skinned a donkey in a moment, others dug a well and drew water. Some made dates and melons grow on the spot and became eatable instantly. Such sights were indeed amazing and bewildering to the spectators.”Google Scholar