Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-wq2xx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T11:48:13.674Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Croatia's Politics of the Past during the Tuđman Era (1990–1999)—Old Wine in New Bottles?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 April 2013

Ljiljana Radonic
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The Croatian break with the Yugoslav narrative was—besides parting from the official slogan “brotherhood and unity”—first of all a break with its anti-Fascist legacy and narrative about World War II. This article asserts that while the contents of the “politics of the past” changed completely after Croatia's independence in 1990, the manner in which a dominant historical narrative was asserted during the era of President Franjo Tuđman remained the same, thanks to the Manichean worldview on which it rested, a deficient democracy, and government oppression of the free media.

Type
Historiography and Politics
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 44 , April 2013 , pp. 234 - 254
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2013

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Frei, Norbert, Vergangenheitspolitik. Die Anfänge der Bundesrepublik und die NS-Vergangenheit (Munich, 1999)Google Scholar; Offe, Claus, Der Tunnel am Ende des Lichts. Erkundungen der politischen Transformation im Neuen Osten (Frankfurt, 1994), 187–229Google Scholar. The term also exists in English. Levine, Michael P., “Mediated Memories: The Politics of the Past,” Annales Philosophici 1, no. 1 (2010): 30–50Google Scholar.

2 See Sandner, Günther, “Hegemonie und Erinnerung: Zur Konzeption von Geschichts- und Vergangenheitspolitik,” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 30, no. 1 (2001): 5–17, at 7Google Scholar.

3 In contrast to Nora and François/Schulze, in this paper the national lieux de mémoire are not described in an affirmative manner but are analyzed as mythical sites of “imagined communities.” See Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire,” Representations 26 (1989): 7–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; François, Etienne and Schulze, Hagen, eds., Deutsche Erinnerungsorte (Munich, 2001)Google Scholar.

4 Vjesnik was founded as a monthly publication by the League of Communists of Croatia starting in 1940. During World War II, it served as publication of the Partisan resistance movement. It was considered a newspaper of record in Communist Yugoslavia. In 1990, the state-owned newspaper came under the control of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the ruling Croatian party. Vjesnik took a pro-government editorial stance ever since. A linear drop in average daily circulation made it cease printing in 2012. Frano Supilo, a famous Croatian politician and journalist, founded Novi list in Rijeka in 1900. After some interruptions, the regional daily appeared again in 1947 and was privatized in the course of the breakdown of the Communist regime. In Rijeka, whose citizens were mostly critical of Tuđman, the members of the editorial staff affiliated with the Tuđman party did not manage to come out on top, so Novi list was the only daily newspaper that was privatized by being bought by its own editorial board, according to a privatization law from the end of the 1980s. Being the only independent daily transformed it from a regional newspaper into a nationwide oppositional medium. It lost this prominent stand after the liberalization of the media in 2000. Jergović, Blanka, Odmjeravanje snaga. Novine i politika u Hrvatskoj u prvom razdoblju tranzicije [Trial of Strength. Newspapers and Politics in Croatia during the First Phase of Transition] (Zagreb, 2004), 54–57Google Scholar.

5 Wolfrum, Edgar, “Geschichtspolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949–1989,” in Umkämpfte Vergangenheit. Geschichtsbilder, Erinnerung und Vergangenheitspolitik im internationalen Vergleich, ed. Bock, Petra and Wolfrum, Edgar, 55–81 (Gottingen, 1999), at 58Google Scholar; Niedermüller, Peter, “Der Mythos der Gemeinschaft: Geschichte, Gedächtnis und Politik im heutigen Osteuropa,” in Umbruch im östlichen Europa. Die nationale Wende und das kollektive Gedächtnis, ed. Corbea-Hoişie, Andrei, Jaworski, Rudolf, and Sommer, Monika, 11–26 (Innsbruck, 2004), at 16Google Scholar.

6 Merkel, Wolfgang, “‘Eingebettete’ und defekte Demokratien: Theorie und Empirie,” in Die Demokratisierung der Demokratie. Diagnosen und Reformvorschläge, ed. Offe, Claus, 43–71 (Frankfurt, 2003), at 64Google Scholar.

7 Ramet, Sabrina P. and Matić, Davorka, eds., Demokratska tranzicija u Hrvatskoj. Transformacija vrijednosti, obrazovanje, mediji [Democratic Transition in Croatia: Transformation of Values, Education, Media] (Zagreb, 2006)Google Scholar; Jergović, Blanka, Odmjeravanje snaga. Novine i politika u Hrvatskoj u prvom razdoblju tranzicije [Trial of Strength: Newspapers and Politics in Croatia during the First Phase of Transition] (Zagreb, 2004)Google Scholar; Kasapović, Mirjana and Šiber, Ivan, “Electoral Policy and the Determinants of Electoral Behavior in Croatia (1990–2000),” Central European Political Science Review 2, no. 3 (2001): 112–39Google Scholar; Kasapović, Mirjana, ed., Hrvatska politika 1990–2000 [Croatian Politics 1990-2000] (Zagreb, 2001)Google Scholar.

8 Ivančić, Viktor, Lomača za protuhrvatski blud. Ogledi o Tuđmanizmu [Bonfire for Anti-Croatian Impurity. Essays on Tuđmanism] (Split, 2003), 118Google Scholar.

9 Pusić, Vesna, Demokracije i diktature. Politička tranzicija u Hrvatskoj i jugoistočnoj Europi [Democracies and Dictatorships: Political Transition in Croatia and Southeastern Europe] (Zagreb, 1998), 194Google Scholar.

10 Domanvka, Bogdanovka, and Akhmetchetka were the largest mass-murder camps in Transnistria established in October 1941 by the Romanian occupation authorities, Romanian soldiers and police, Ukrainian police, and local civilians; in Domanvka, the Sonderkommando was also responsible for mass murder. See Robert Rozett and Shmuel Spector, eds., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust. Accessed 5 May 2011. http://www.answers.com/topic/domanevka.

11 Žerjavić, Vladimir, Population losses in Yugoslavia 1941–1945 (Zagreb, 1997), 94Google Scholar. See also, Dietrich, Stefan, “Der Bleiburger Opfermythos,” Zeitgeschichte 5 (2008): 298–317Google Scholar; Geiger, Vladimir, “Ljudski gubici Hrvatske u Drugome svjetskom ratu i u poraću koje su prouzročili Narodnooslobodilačka vojska i Partizanski odredi Jugoslavije/Jugoslavenska armija i komunistička vlast [Croatia's population losses in World War II and after the war caused by the People's Liberation Army and Yugoslav partisan units/Yugoslav Army and Communist government],” Časopis za suvremenu povijest [Journal of Contemporary History] 42, no. 3 (2010): 693–722Google Scholar.

12 Goldstein, Ivo, Hrvatska povijest [Croatian History] (Zagreb, 2003), 308Google Scholar.

13 Hockenos, Paul, Homeland Calling. Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars (Ithaca, 2003), 32, 63Google Scholar.

14 Ibid., 40.

15 Völkl, Ekkehard, “Abrechnungsfuror in Kroatien,” in Politische Säuberungen in Europa. Die Abrechnung mit Faschismus und Kollaboration nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, ed. Henke, Klaus-Dietmar and Woller, Hans, 358–94 (Munich, 1991), at 391Google Scholar.

16 Höpken, Wolfgang, “Der Zweite Weltkrieg in den jugoslawischen und post-jugoslawischen Schulbüchern,” in Öl ins Feuer? Schulbücher, ethnische Stereotypen und Gewalt in Südosteuropa, ed. Höpken, Wolfgang, 159–78 (Hannover, 1996)Google Scholar; Najbar-Agičić, Magdalena, “Jugoslavenska povijest u hrvatskim udžbenicima [Yugoslav history in Croatian school books],” in Klio na Balkanu. Usmjerenja i pristupi u nastavi povijesti [Clio in the Balkans. Orientations and Approaches to History Education], ed. Najbar-Agičić, Magdalena, 117–35 (Zagreb, 2005)Google Scholar.

17 Repe, Božo, “Öffentliche Gedenktage bei den Slowenen von 1848 bis 1991,” in Der Kampf um das Gedächtnis. Öffentliche Gedenktage in Mitteleuropa, ed. Brix, Emil, 293–335 (Vienna, 1997), at 333Google Scholar; Hudelist, Darko, Tuđman: Biografija [Tuđman: Biography] (Zagreb, 2004), 146Google Scholar.

18 Petzer, Tatjana, “‘Tito’—Symbol und Kult: Identitätsstiftende Zeichensetzung in Jugoslawien,” in Geschichte (ge-)brauchen. Literatur und Geschichtskultur im Staatssozialismus: Jugoslavien und Bulgarien, ed. Richter, Angela and Beyer, Barbara, 113–30 (Berlin, 2006), at 121Google Scholar.

19 Karge, Heike, “Mediated Remembrance: Local Practices of Remembering the Second World War in Tito's Yugoslavia,” European Review of History 16, no. 1 (2009): 49–62, at 57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 Karge, Heike, “Offizielle Narration trifft lokale Praktiken. Kriegsgedenken und Denkmalsbau in Jugoslawien,” in Geschichte (ge-)brauchen. Literatur und Geschichtskultur im Staatssozialismus: Jugoslavien und Bulgarien, ed. Richter, Angela and Beyer, Barbara, 91–111 (Berlin, 2006), at 100Google Scholar.

21 Höpken, Wolfgang, “Jasenovac—Bleiburg—Kočevski rog. Erinnerungsorte als Identitätssymbole in (Post-) Jugoslawien,” in Geschichte (ge-)brauchen. Literatur und Geschichtskultur im Staatssozialismus: Jugoslavien und Bulgarien, ed. Richter, Angela and Beyer, Barbara, 401–32 (Berlin, 2006), at 410Google Scholar.

22 Sundhaussen, Holm, “Jugoslawien und seine Nachfolgestaaten. Konstruktion, Dekonstruktion und Neukonstruktion von ‘Erinnerungen’ und Mythen,” in Mythen der Nationen. 1945—Arena der Erinnerung, ed. Flacke, Monika, 373–413 (Mainz, 2004), at 400Google Scholar; Mataušić, Nataša, Jasenovac 1941.–1945. Logor smrti i radni logor [Jasenovac 1941–1945. A death and a work camp] (Jasenovac/Zagreb, 2003), 154Google Scholar.

23 Hudelist, Tuđman: Biografija, 259; Bašić, Natalija, “Der jugoslawische Partisanenkampf—Revision einer Legende am Beispiel Kroatiens und Serbiens,” Südosteuropa 57, no.1 (2009): 91–112, at 95Google Scholar.

24 Tuđman, Franjo, Rat protiv rata: Partizanski rat u prošlosti i budućnosti [War against War: Partisan War in the Past and the Future] (Zagreb, 1957), 250Google Scholar.

25 Hudelist, Tuđman: Biografija, 250; Agičić, Damir and Najbar-Agičić, Magdalena, “Hrvatska historiografija o 1941.—polemika bez dijaloga? [Croatian Historiography on 1941—Polemics without dialogue?],” in Kultura sjećanja: 1941. Povijesni lomovi i svladavanje prošlosti [Memory Culture: 1941. Historical Breaks and Coming to Terms with the Past], ed. Bosto, Sulejman, Cipek, Tihomir, and Milosavljević, Olivera, 145–55 (Zagreb, 2008), at 147Google Scholar.

26 Hudelist, Tuđman: Biografija 257.

27 Tuđman, Franjo, Stvaranje socijalističke Jugoslavije [The Creation of Socialist Yugoslavia] (Zagreb, 1960), 58Google Scholar.

28 Terzić, Velimir, Jugoslavija u aprilskom ratu [Yugoslavia in the April War] (Titograd, 1963)Google Scholar.

29 Höpken, Wolfgang, “Vergangenheitspolitik im sozialistischen Vielvölkerstaat: Jugoslawien 1944 bis 1991,” in Umkämpfte Vergangenheit. Geschichtsbilder, Erinnerung und Vergangenheitspolitik im internationalen Vergleich, ed. Bock, Petra and Höpken, Wolfgang, 210–46 (Gottingen, 1999), at 224Google Scholar.

30 Kočović, Bogoljub, Žrtve Drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji [World War II Victims in Yugoslavia] (London, 1985)Google Scholar; Žerjavić, Vladimir, Gubici stanovništva Jugoslavije u Drugom svjetskom ratu [Population Losses in Yugoslavia in World War II] (Zagreb, 1989)Google Scholar.

31 Tuđman, Franjo, Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti: rasprava o povijesti i filozofiji zlosilja [Wastelands of Historical Reality: Debate on History and Philosophy of Violence] (Zagreb, 1989), 316Google Scholar.

32 Vjesnik, 22 April 1985. This and all the following quotations were translated by the author.

33 Vjesnik, 20 April 1987.

34 Vjesnik, 22 April 1985.

35 Ibid.

36 Vjesnik, 23 April 1989.

37 Vjesnik, 22 April 1989.

38 Ibid.

39 Vjesnik, 22 April 1990.

40 Vjesnik, 22 April 1985.

41 Hudelist, Tuđman: Biografija, 193.

42 See Tuđman, Franjo, “Hrvatska. Narodnooslobodilački rat [Croatia. People's Liberation War],” in Vojna enciklopedija, Vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1960), 642Google Scholar.

43 Hudelist, Tuđman: Biografija, 486.

44 Hockenos, Homeland Calling. Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars, 23, 33, 76.

45 Ibid. See also Milentijević, Radmila, “Anti-Semitism and the Treatment of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Yugoslavia,” in Anti-Semitism and the Treatment of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Eastern Europe, ed. Braham, Randolph L., 225–50 (New York, 1994)Google Scholar.

46 Serbs, Roma, Jews, and Croatian fighters against the Ustaša-regime were killed in and around the five camps that constituted the Jasenovac concentration camp. 80,914 victims have been identified by name until today. Accessed 9 August 2012. http://www.jusp-jasenovac.hr/Default.aspx?sid=6284. For Tuđman, who stated in 1990 that he was lucky because his wife was neither Jewish nor Serbian, anti-Semitism is a historical constant. Tuđman, Franjo, Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti: rasprava o povijesti i filozofiji zlosilja [Wastelands of Historical Reality: Debate on History and Philosophy of Violence] (Zagreb, 1989), 368Google Scholar. He argues that Jewish “anationality” (195) is the reason for their tragic fate and equates Jews with their persecutors, saying that Jews were responsible for the administration of the Jasenovac camp and that Jewish prisoners took part in the executions (316–20). Furthermore, he draws a line from Nazi-Fascism to “Judeo-Fascism,” which is an anti-Semitic thesis well known in the West, according to which the Jews are the new Nazis. Due to protests first of all from the United States, he later on removed the anti-Semitic parts from the English version but not from the Croatian one, which was reprinted in numerous editions. MacDonald, David Bruce, Balkan Holocausts? Serbian and Croatian Victim-centered Propaganda and the War in Yugoslavia (Manchester, 2002), 100Google Scholar.

47 Accessed 28 December 2011. http://narodne-novine.nn.hr/clanci/sluzbeni/1990_12_56_1092.html.

48 Brkljačić, Maja and Sundhaussen, Holm, “Symbolwandel und symbolischer Wandel. Kroatiens ‘Erinnerungskulturen,’” Osteuropa 53, no. 7 (2003): 933–48, at 935Google Scholar.

49 Vjesnik, 11 May 1999.

50 See Hrženjak, Juraj, Rušenje antifašističkih spomenika u Hrvatskoj 1990–2000 [Devastation of Anti-Fascist Monuments in Croatia 1990–2000] (Zagreb, 2002), XIIGoogle Scholar.

51 Ivančić, Viktor, Točka na U. Slučaj Šakić [A Dot after the U. The Šakić Case] (Split, 2000), 67Google Scholar.

52 Hrženjak, Rušenje antifašističkih spomenika u Hrvatskoj 1990–2000, 216; Ivančić, Točka na U. Slučaj Šakić, 67.

53 Cipek, Tihomir, “Sjećanje na 1945: čuvanje i brisanje [Memory of 1945: Preservation and Erasure],” in Kultura sjećanja: 1945. Povijesni lomovi i svladavanje prošlosti [Memory Culture: 1945. Historical Breaks and Coming to Terms with the Past], ed. Bosto, Sulejman and Cipek, Tihomir, 155–64 (Zagreb, 2009), at 161Google Scholar.

54 Hrženjak, Rušenje antifašističkih spomenika u Hrvatskoj 1990–2000, XIII.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid.; Robionek, Bernd, Müller, Nils, and Vulesica, Maria, Erinnerungskultur in Dalmatien. Vom Partisanenkult zur Repräsentation der Nationalstaatlichkeit (Berlin, 2010)Google Scholar.

57 Slobodna Dalmacija, 16 September 2004; Novi list, 25 September 2004.

58 Čulić, Marinko, Tuđman: anatomija neprosvijećenog apsolutizma [Tuđman: Anatomy of Unenlightened Absolutism] (Split, 1999), 106Google Scholar.

59 See, for example, Perazić, Stanko, Udžbenik za 8. razred osnovne škole [School Book for the 8th Grade of Elementary School] (Sarajevo, 1973)Google Scholar.

60 Koren, Snježana, “Slike nacionalne povijesti u hrvatskim udžbenicima uoči i nakon raspada Jugoslavije [Images of national history in Croatian school book before and after the break-up of Yugoslavia],” Historijski zbornik [Historical Yearbook] 60 (2007): 247–94, at 259Google Scholar.

61 Koren, Snježana, “Nastava povijesti između historije i pamčenja. Hrvatski udžbenici povijesti o 1945. godini [History education between history and memory. Croatian history school books on 1945],” in Kultura sjećanja: 1945. Povijesni lomovi i svladavanje prošlosti [Memory Culture: 1945. Historical Breaks and Coming to Terms with the Past], ed. Bosto, Sulejman and Cipek, Tihomir, 239–62 (Zagreb, 2009), 245Google Scholar.

62 Höpken, Wolfgang, “History Education and Yugoslav (Dis-)Integration,” in Öl ins Feuer? Schulbücher, ethnische Stereotypen und Gewalt in Südosteuropa, ed. Höpken, Wolfgang, 99–124 (Hannover, 1996), 112Google Scholar.

63 Perić, Ivo, Povijest 8: udžbenik za 8. razred osnovne škole [History 8: Text Book for the 8th Grade of Elementary School] (Zagreb, 1992), 85Google Scholar.

64 Ibid., 89. For recent developments in Croatia, see Radonic, Ljiljana, “‘Unsere’ Helden, Opfer, Täter—Der Zweite Weltkrieg im kroatischen Schulbuch,” Osteuropa 61, no.11 (2011): 97–114Google Scholar.

65 Perić, Povijest 8: udžbenik za 8. razred osnovne škole, 112.

66 Ibid., 85. See also Grahek, Martina, “Bleiburg i Križni put u hrvatskim udžbenicima povijesti [Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross in Croatian history text books],” in Dijalog povjesničara—istoričara 9 [Dialogue between Historians [Cro.] and Historians [Serb.] 9], ed. Fleck, Hans-Georg and Graovac, Igor, 641–63 (Zagreb, 2005), at 643Google Scholar.

67 Ministarstvo prosvjete, kulture i športa Republike Hrvatske, Nastavni plan i program za osnovne škole u Republici Hrvatskoj [Teaching Plan and Program for Elementary Schools in the Republic of Croatia] (Zagreb, 1995)Google Scholar; Koren, Snježana, “Promjene u nastavnom planu i programu za osnovne škole u Republici Hrvatskoj tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća [Changes in the teaching plan and program for elementary schools in the Republic of Croatia during the last decade],” Povijest u nastavi [History in Education] V, no. 2 (2003): 155–63Google Scholar.

68 Ministarstvo prosvjete, kulture i športa Republike Hrvatske, Nastavni plan i program za gimnazije u Republici Hrvatskoj, 172.

69 Ibid., 173.

70 Prcela, John and Žilić, Dražen, eds., Hrvatski holokaust [Croatian Holocaust] (Zagreb, 2001)Google Scholar.

71 Vjesnik, 16 May 1995.

72 Novi list, 12 March 2003.

73 Novi list, 29 April 2002.

74 Ivančić, Točka na U. Slučaj Šakić, 294.

75 Vjesnik, 9 April 1998.

76 Vjesnik, 10 April 1998.

77 Vjesnik, 16 April 1998.

78 Vjesnik, 14 April 1998.

79 Austrian jurisdiction declared Heinrich Gross, who led the child euthanasia program at the Viennese clinic Am Spiegelgrund, too sick to stand a trial, so he died in freedom in 2005. In Lithuania, Kazys Gimzauskas, deputy commander of the Saugumas, the Lithuanian Security Police in Vilnius District, was not punished for medical reasons. Algimantas Mykolas Dailidė, a former Saugumas official deported from the United States in 2004, was convicted but not sent to prison “because he is very old and does not pose a danger to society.” Accessed 14 August 2012. http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3232961,00.html. Furthermore, despite a Croatian request in 2005, Austria refused to extradite another alleged war criminal, the World War II police chief of the Croatian town of Požega, Milivoj Ašner. He had obtained Austrian citizenship in 1946, went back to Croatia in 1991 as many other exiles had, but escaped to Austria again after Croatia charged him in 2005. Although he was not an Austrian citizen since the early 1990s any more, Austrian authorities declared him unfit to stand trial, although he himself denied being demented as the questionable expertise had claimed.

80 Vjesnik, 1 July 1999; Novi list, 30 June 1999.

81 Vjesnik, 21 June 1998.

82 Feral Tribune, 6 July 1998, 15 March 1999, 17 July 1999, and 9 October 1999; Ivančić, Točka na U. Slučaj Šakić, 37.

83 Novi list, 19 March 1998.

84 Vjesnik, 11 July 1998, 3 October 1998.

85 Vjesnik, 25 September 1998.

86 Vjesnik, 16 December 1998, Novi list, 16 March 1999.

87 Vjesnik, 23 September 1999.

88 Feral Tribune, 30 January 1995; Jutarnji list, 6 June 1998; Ivančić, Točka na U. Slučaj Šakić, 314.

89 Vjesnik, 10 April 1998.

90 See Adorno, Theodor W., Guilt and Defense: On the Legacies of National Socialism in Postwar Germany (Cambridge, 2010)Google Scholar.

91 Vjesnik, 10 April 1998; Novi list, 10 April 1998.

92 Vjesnik, 8 July 1998.

93 Vjesnik, 1 July 1999.

94 Vjesnik, 24 April 1998.

95 Vjesnik, 14 July 1998, 15 July 1998.

96 Vjesnik, 19 March 1999.

97 Vjesnik, 18 May 1999.

98 Vjesnik, 15 April 1999, 21 May 1999.

99 SVjesnik, 3 March 1999, 5 March 1999; Novi list, 3 March 1999, 5 March 1999.

100 Vjesnik, 3 March 1999.

101 Novi list, 18 June 1998.

102 Novi list, 1 August 1998.

103 Novi list, 3 May 1998, 9 April 1998, 4 October 1999.

104 Vjesnik, 21 April 1997.

105 Vjesnik, 21 April 1998, 26 April 1999.

106 Vjesnik, 20 April 1998.

107 Ibid.

108 Vjesnik, 7 June 1996.

109 Vjesnik, 17 June 1996.

110 Vjesnik, 25 April 1998.

111 Vjesnik, 16 May 1996.

112 Vjesnik, 16 May 1995.

113 Vjesnik, 24 April 1996.

114 Vjesnik, 6 April 1995.

115 Vjesnik, 28 April 1995.

116 Ibid.

117 Vjesnik, 29 May 1997.

118 The only free newspaper touches the role of those three institutions frequently. See Novi list, 29 April 1996; 16 May 1996; 28 May 1996; 20 April 1998; 23 April 1999; 27 April 1999.

119 Vjesnik, 23 April 1996.

120 Vjensik, 23 April 1996, 27 April 1996.

121 Vjesnik, 23 April 1996.

122 Bašić, Petar and Kevo, Mario, “O problemu postojanja jasenovačkog logora nakon 1945. [On the problem of the existence of the Jasenovac camps after 1945],” Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest [Works of the Institute for Croatian History] 30 (1997): 300–307Google Scholar.

123 Vjesnik, 23 April 1996, 28 April 1997.

124 Novi list, 16 May 1996.

125 Novi list, 9 June 1996, 20 April 1998, 23 April 1999.

126 Novi list, 9 May 1996.

127 Novi list, 10 May 1996.

128 Novi list, 17 May 1995.

129 Novi list, 31 March 1996.

130 Novi list, 26 April 1999.

131 For an analysis of the Bleiburg coverage, see Ljiljana Radonic, “Krieg um die Erinnerung. Kroatische Vergangengheitspolitik zwischen Revisionismus und europäischen Standards (Frankfurt, 2010).

132 Hammerstein, Katrin, Mählert, Ulrich, Trappe, Julie, and Wolfrum, Edgar, eds., Aufarbeitung der Diktatur—Diktat der Aufarbeitung? Normierungsprozesse beim Umgang mit diktatorischer Vergangenheit (Gottingen, 2009)Google Scholar.

133 Delanty, Gerard and Rumford, Chris, Rethinking Europe—Social Theory and the Implications of Europeanization (New York, 2005), 99Google Scholar.

134 Eckel, Jan and Moisel, Claudia, Universalisierung des Holocaust? Erinnerungskultur und Geschichtspolitik in internationaler Perspektive (Gottingen, 2008)Google Scholar; Gerstenfeld, Manfred, “The Multiple Distortions of Holocaust Memory,” Jewish Political Studies Review 19, nos. 3–4 (2007)Google Scholar, accessed 2 January 2012, http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=3&DBID=1&LNGID=1&TMID=111&FID=624&PID=0&IID=1903&TTL=The_Multiple_Distortions_of_Holocaust_Memory.

135 Radonic, Ljiljana, “Croatia—Exhibiting Memory and History at the ‘Shores of Europe,’” Culture Unbound: Journal of Current Cultural Research 3 (2011): 355–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

136 Byford, Jovan, “When I Say ‘the Holocaust,’ I Mean ‘Jasenovac’: Remembrance of the Holocaust in Contemporary Serbia,” East European Jewish Affairs 1 (2007): 51–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

137 Byford, Jovan, Staro Sajmište. Mesto sećanja, zaborava i sporenja [Staro Sajmište. A Site of Memory, Forgetting, and Conflict] (Belgrade, 2012)Google Scholar.

138 Sundhaussen, Holm, Geschichte Serbiens. 19.–21. Jahrhundert (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2007), 421CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Byford, Jovan, Potiskivanje i poricanje antisemitizma. Sećanje na vladiku Nikolaja Velimirovića u savremenoj srpskoj pravoslavnoj kulturi [Suppression and Denial of Anti-Semitism. Memory of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović in Contemporary Serbian Orthodox Culture] (Belgrade, 2005)Google Scholar; MacDonald, David Bruce, Balkan Holocausts? Serbian and Croatian Victim-centered Propaganda and the War in Yugoslavia (Manchester, 2002)Google Scholar.

139 Imamović, Mustafa, Historija Bošnjaka [History of Bosniaks] (Sarajevo, 1997), 529–43Google Scholar; Miller, Paul B., “Just Like the Jews: Contending Victimization in the Former Yugoslavia,” in Lessons & Legacies, Vol. IX: Memory, History, Responsibility. Reassessments of the Holocaust, Implications for the Future, ed. Roth, John and Petropoulos, Jonathan, 251–68 (Evanston, 2010)Google Scholar.

140 Luthar, Oto, “Slovenia: History between Myths and Reality,” Slovene Studies 1–2 (2005): 109–19Google Scholar; Luthar, Oto and Šumi, Irena, “Living in Metaphor: Jews and Anti-Semitism in Slovenia,” in Jews and Anti-Semitism in the Balkans, ed. Moskovich, Wolf, Luthar, Oto, and Šumi, Irena, 29–48 (Jerusalem/Ljubljana, 2004)Google Scholar.