Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-ttngx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-11T14:46:09.665Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Zoroastrian traces along the upper Amu Darya (Oxus)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 March 2011

Extract

The aim of this study is to show how Zoroastrian elements have survived into the 19th and 20th centuries around the higher reaches of the Amu Darya (ancient Oxus), a river now forming the boundary between Afghanistan and the U.S.S.R, whose basin is mostly inhabited by East Iranian Tajiks and related Pamiri groups – that is, approximately Bactria of old. Although Islam reached Balkh as early as the 7th century, such Zoroastrian survivals should not perhaps be too surprising, since Bactria was one of the ancient homelands of Zoroastrianism, and was among those regions which laid legendary claim to Zoroaster's own ministry. Unfortunately although the history of Zoroastrianism in Western Iran during Achaemenid, Parthian and Sasanian times is fairly well known, its fortunes in the earlier East Iranian centres like Bactria are much less clear. A few literary sources like Strabo can be supplemented by gradually emerging archaeological evidence. Nevertheless Zoroastrian remains in Bactria are meagre when compared with Buddhist ones from there, or with Zoroastrian cultic materials found further afield in Central Asia/East Iran, i.e. from ancient Sogdia, Chorasmia and Margiana.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 1984

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Snesarev, G. P., “Remnants of pie-Islamic beliefs and rituals among the Khorezm Uzbeks”, tr. from the Russian in Soviet Anthropology and Archeology (SA&A), New York, 19701977 in 11 parts.Google Scholar An invaluable work for the wealth of Russian findings on Khorezm, it also throws much light in passing on other parts of Soviet Central Asia. Information quoted here from Spring 1971, p. 339, with unfortunately no further details given on the role of ‘Akhraman’ among the Tajiks.Google Scholar

2 For the various East Iranian forms cited see Bailey, H. W., Dictionary of Khotan Saka, Cambridge, 1979, p. 40. The Khotanese urmaysde bvamatino (sun of knowledge) curiously brings to mind the literal meaning of Ahura Mazda (the Lord Wisdom).Google Scholar

3 Vámbéry, A., Travels in Central Asia, London, 1864, p. 232.Google Scholar

4 Yate, C., Northern Afghanistan or letters from the Afghan Boundary Commission, London, 1888, p. 238.Google Scholar

5 Snesarev, , op. cit., p. 335, 349 fn. 5 for references.Google Scholar

6 ibid., p. 349 fn. 6.

7 Morgenstierne, G., Indo-Iranian frontier languages, I. Parachi and Ormuri, 2nd ed., Oslo, 1973, p. 127 from text V.(T).Google Scholar

8 Snesarev, , op. cit., Summer 1971, p. 34 fn. 44.Google Scholar

9 ibid., Spring 1973, p. 378 fn. 53.

10 ibid., p. 350.

11 Grenet, F., Les pratiques funéraires dans I'Asie Centrale sedentaire de la conquête Grecque à I'Islamisation, to be published by CNRS in Paris during 1984. My grateful thanks are due to the author for letting me see his admirable study in advance.Google Scholar

12 Boyce, M., A History of Zoroastrianism (Handbuch der Orientalistik VIII.1.2.2a), I, Leiden, 1975, pp. 102129, 325330.Google Scholar

13 Olufsen, O., Through the unknown Pamirs. The second Danish Pamir expedition 1898–1899, London, 1904; ch. XII on ‘Religion and superstitions’ is a mine of information on the Wakhan; the above quotation is from p. 197.Google Scholar

14 Snesarev, , op. cit., p. 375 fn. 21.Google Scholar

15 Boyce, M., “On the Zoroastrian temple cult of fire”, JAOS, 95, 1975, pp. 454464Google Scholar; idem., “Iconoclasm among the Zoroastrians”, in Christianity, Judaism and other Greco-Roman cults, part 4. Studies for Morton Smith at sixty, Leiden, 1975, pp. 93111.Google Scholar For Zoroastrian purification rituals see, e.g., Duchesne-Guillemin, J., Religion of ancient Iran, tr. from the French by JamaspAsa, K. M., Bombay, 1973, pp. 8185.Google Scholar

16 See Sarianidi, V., “Bactria in the Bronze Age”, SA&A, Summer 1976, pp. 4983Google Scholar; Jettmar, K., “Fortified ‘Ceremonial centres’ of the Indo-Iranians”, in Proceedings of the International Symposium on ‘Ethnic problems of the ancient history of Central Asia (second millennium B.C.)’, Dushanbe, October 17–22, 1977, Moscow, 1981, pp. 220229, for Dalshy-3 excavation results.Google Scholar

17 Wood, J., A journey to the source of the river Oxus, 2nd edition, 1872, rep. London, 1976, p. 177.Google Scholar

17 ibid., p. 218.

19 Olufsen, , op. cit., pp. 205206.Google Scholar

20 Ḥudūd al-';Ālam, tr. and explained by Minorsky, V., London, 1937, 26.14 and 26.13, tr. p. 121.Google Scholar

21 Wood, , op. cit., p. 218.Google Scholar The enigmatic traveller Alexander Gardiner recalled his own encounter c. 1830 with the Akaa of the Pamir Alai valley, “where some traces of Geber or fire-worship exists among them”, see “Abstract of a journal kept by Mr. Gardner during his travels in Central Asia - with a note and introduction by Edgeworth, M. P.”, JASB, 22, 1853, pp. 283305, quotation p. 293. However we cannot tell if he found the actual term geber used locally or if he was applying Persian usage here.Google Scholar

22 Wood, , “Report of a journey to the sources of the Amu Darya (Oxus), JRGS, X, 18411842, p. 534.Google Scholar

23 Stein, M. A., Innermost Asia, Oxford, 1926, pp. 863–71 concerning ‘Old remains in Wakhan’, illustrations 405–410 for the edifice.Google Scholar

24 Bellew, H., Journal of a political mission to Afghanistan in 1857, London, 1862, p. 63.Google Scholar

25 Morgenstierne, , op. cit., p. 312 with p. 388, s.vGoogle Scholar; idem., The linguistic stratification of Afghanistan”, Afghan Studies, 2, 1979, p. 28.Google Scholar

26 Boyce, M., A Persian stronghold of Zoroastrianism, Oxford, 1977, esp. pp. 138163.Google Scholar

27 Snesarev, , op. cit., Fall 1977, p. 15.Google Scholar

28 Analysis of this theme seen in Schmidt, H., Zarathustra's religion and his pastoral imagery, Leiden, 1975Google Scholar; Gnoli, G., Zoroaster's tīme and homeland, Naples, 1980, pp. 153158.Google Scholar

29 Snesarev, , op. cit., p. 32. See fn. 34 in this study for further details on the term galcha (mountain) Tajik.Google Scholar

30 Snesarev, , op. cit., p. 5 and fn. 4.Google Scholar

31 Olufsen, , op. cit., p. 199.Google Scholar

32 Afrinagen i gahambar, French transl. by Darmesteter, J., Le Zend-Avesta, Paris 18921893, repr. 1960, vol. 2, pp. 729–35.Google Scholar For treatment of slight variants in the day-numbers see Boyce, M., “On the calendar of Zoroastrian feasts”, BSOAS, XXXIII, 3, 1970, pp. 513539, esp. p. 524 Table II.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

33 See Becker, S., Russia's protectorates in Central Asia. Bukhara and Khiva 1865–1924, Cambridge (Mass.), 1968, pp. 49, 8992, 104, 156–58, 215–18 for details of this extension of Bukharan rule, albeit under a more and more powerful Russian supremacy.Google Scholar

34 Tokarev, S., Etnograflya narodov SSR, Moscow, 1958, p. 343Google Scholar as quoted in Kolarz, W., Religion in the Soviet Union, London, 1962, p. 478.Google Scholar The term mountain (galcha/Ighalcha) was used from early Islamic times to denote in a generally derogatory way the more remote communities of the (Pamir) mountains as distinct from the more settled plains communities, who had accepted Islam earlier. Indeed galcha in the sense of being non-Islamic came at times to be opposed to tajik in the latter's sense of being a Muslim. On this point see Bartol'd, V., “Tadzhiki. Istorichesky ocherk (The Tajiks. A brief history)”, Afghan Studies, 34, 1982, p. 56 and fn. 14–15. See following note.Google Scholar

35 Maslovksy, S., “Galcha (pervobytnoye naseleniya Turkestana)”, Russki Antropologicheski Zhurnal, 1901/1902, pp. 1732Google Scholar, as recorded in Bartol'd, , op. cit., p. 56. Tajik originally was a Persian tribal word that came successively to be applied to Arabs in Central Asia, then to Iranian subjects of Islam, and then to anyone who accepted Islam in Central Asia, before acquiring its modern ethnic and linguistic sense.Google Scholar

36 The Munshi's report given by Trotter, H., “On the geographical results of the mission to Kashgar under Sir T. Douglas Forsyth in 1873–1874”, JRGS, 1878, p. 216.Google Scholar

37 Olufsen, , op. cit., p. 210.Google Scholar

38 Trotter, , op. cit., p. 209 fn. *.Google Scholar

39 Olufsen in fact put his coming shortly after the journey of Marco Polo through Wakhan c. 1272 on his way to China, but in doing so Olufsen seems to ignore the comments by Polo about Wakhan being an Islamic area. It would seem more reasonable to p u t Hazrat Ali indeed in the 13th century as Olufsen thought, but before 1272.

40 Olufsen, , op. cit., pp. 198–99.Google Scholar

41 This gap may soon be filled, since there is news that the Commission for Pamir Studies, under the Tajik Academy of Sciences, intends to publish a regular ‘Pamir Studies Yearbook’, see the Information Bulletin (International Association for the Study of the Cultures of Central Asia), Moscow, 3, 1983, p. 104.Google Scholar

42 Robertson, G., The Kafirs of the Hindukush, London, 1896.Google Scholar See also Jettmar, K., Die religionen des Hindukusch Stuttgart, 1975Google Scholar, for a synthesis of subsequent field work and research. Vohra, R. in his “Ethnographic notes on the Buddhist Dards of Ladakh: the Brog-pa”, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 107, 1, 1982, pp. 6994, has revealed the archaic Dardic religious themes that are still prominent among the Brog-pa community, although Buddhism was formally accepted by them around 1890–1900.Google Scholar

43 My grateful thanks to Jonathan Lee, who first pointed out in 1980 the material on the Wakhan that had been collected by Olufsen, and especially to Professor Mary Boyce, whose comments on this study have been most helpful and much appreciated.