Interrogating the politicization of female genital cutting (FGC) within conditions of asymmetrical cultural convergence. A case study of Northern Ireland☆
Introduction
Much policy, legislative, media, and medical discourses on so-called female genital mutilation or cutting (FGM/C)2 accommodate relatively little understanding of the colonizing assumptions which have historically underpinned its politicization. The continuities between medically unnecessary genital cutting in the global North and South, and the differences between various procedures, their relation to understandings of sex and gender, and the cultural contexts in which they take place are also currently not well articulated in these discourses.
Drawing on Chandra Talpade Mohanty's concept of ‘discursive colonization’ and on Nancy Fraser's work on the politicization of needs, this article focuses on discourses surrounding FGM/C in Northern Ireland. We interrogate the effects of the politicization of FGM/C within conditions of asymmetrical cultural convergence. Although there is growing awareness among global health academics of the continuities between non-therapeutic genital cutting on boys, girls, and intersex children in the global North and South, calls for a shared ethical framework are often framed within conditions of multiculturalism in the global North (Brussels Collaboration, 2019; Earp, 2015b; Earp and Steinfeld, 2018; Svoboda, 2013a). Based on findings from a small scale study on awareness levels of FGM/C in Northern Ireland, combined with the broader academic literature on genital cutting, we argue that addressing the needs of affected communities would be better enabled if the socio-historical conditions of asymmetrical cultural convergence which shape transcultural engagements were better recognized.
In 2016 we were commissioned by ACSONI, a migrant-run NGO in Northern Ireland, to conduct a small-scale scoping study on awareness levels and availability of support services in relation to FGM/C.3 This study provided an evidence base regarding the current situation and additional resources and supports required for affected communities. Participants also discussed the meaning of sustainable cultural change and the merits or harms of existing or previous initiatives to effect cultural change regarding FGM/C. It became evident that there was a tension between study participants' need for improved supports and resources on the one hand, and the absence of resources and support, or inappropriate and sometimes harmful interventions, on the other hand. This led us to further consider the potential meanings of non-hypocritical transcultural4 engagement in conditions of asymmetrical cultural convergence. By situating the study data in wider literature tracing the colonial mindsets that have shaped discourses on genital cutting, we propose that a specifically decolonial and gender-diverse stance would need to be centred in non-hypocritical transcultural engagements.5
Two significant barriers to such engagements are evident in Northern Ireland. First, there is a lack of awareness of (and an absence of resources to gain knowledge on) the origins and impact of current double standards in the regulation of genital cutting. This is due to how FGM/C has historically been politicized in line with global North gender norms, and how other forms of non-therapeutic genital cutting have not yet been adequately politicized, partially as a result of those same gender norms. This combined (non)/politicization has impeded the development of a substantive alliance of groups who can rigorously apply a decolonial and gender-diverse approach to a genital autonomy framework for children. Second, the ‘two communities’ model of Northern Irish culture and politics presents additional barriers. It reifies the divisions upon which it is established, impedes the development and impact of multiple contestatory publics, and discourages the levels of self-reflection required of a more decolonial approach.
In Section 2 of this article we discuss the politicization of FGM/C and the resultant double standards. Section 3 details our methodology, and race and gender dynamics in Northern Ireland. Following an outline of the study findings in Section 4, we discuss key barriers to decolonial and gender-diverse transcultural engagements in Section 5.
Section snippets
Colonial mindsets and public discourses
The WHO categorizes four types of what it calls FGM. Type I refers the partial or total removal of the (external) portion of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy); Type II is the excision of the (external) clitoris with partial or total removal of the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora; Type III is the narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal, with or without excision of the (external) clitoris (infibulation); Type IV is unclassified
Data collection
The data used in this article is drawn from a 2016 research study, the specific objectives of which were to conduct an analysis of reported cases of FGM in Northern Ireland; map support service providers; conduct a review of related policies; and produce a report detailing awareness and knowledge of FGM within statutory bodies and other stakeholder groups. The issue of double standards was not part of the study; all questions referenced ‘FGM’; and there were no questions relating to
Absence of awareness and supports
A finding of the initial study was that there was a significant lack of awareness about the issue across the statutory, health and NGO sectors, particularly among frontline staff. The recruitment and resourcing of a full time ‘community champion’ who could liaise between professionals and affected communities, coordinate awareness raising activities and adopt a ‘do no harm’ approach to sustainable change was a core recommendation of the initial study (Bloomer et al., 2017a; Khalifa and Brown,
Lack of awareness
Study participants indicated that sustainable cultural change regarding FGM/C is therefore impeded in Northern Ireland most significantly by a lack of resources for affected communities. Inappropriate responses and supports, a lack of recognition that caregivers need to be better informed, and a lack of cultural competencies on the part of service providers are also barriers to sustainable change. Focus group participants clearly support the laws against FGM/C but they also stress that cultural
Conclusion
With due regard to Mohanty's concept of discursive colonization we stress that outlawing the incidence of FGM/C was arguably in part doable thus far because its politicization bolstered westerner's self-understanding as progressive, rational and ‘outside’ of culture. Its politicization also bolstered westerners' understanding of the importance of the gender binary and its associated norms as a societal organising principle. Combined campaigns against all forms of nonconsensual genital cutting
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The authors confirm that this is an original article, it is not currently being considered for publication by any other journal, and we have no conflicts of interest to disclose.
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Present Address: Directorate of Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, TU Dublin, Park House, Grangegorman, 191 North Circular Rd, Dublin 7.