Outgrower schemes and sugar value-chains in Zambia: Rethinking determinants of rural inclusion and exclusion
Introduction
In the past two decades, the sugar industry has expanded rapidly in Southern Africa (Dubb et al., 2016, Dubb, 2016, Richardson, 2010, Hess et al., 2016). Buttressed by short-run access to the European Union’s internal markets (Dubb et al., 2016, Dubb, 2016, Richardson-Ngwenya and Richardson, 2014), the industry has found its place in the contemporary development landscape as presenting opportunities for smallholder value-chain inclusion and prospects for rural development (Dubb, 2016, Dubb et al., 2016, Richardson, 2010, World Bank, 2009a). Dubbed ‘big-sugar’ on scale and political influence, investment in the industry have raised controversies around ‘land-grabbing,’ and the role of smallholder farmers (Richardson, 2010, Smalley, 2013, World Bank, 2011). Yet, local interests and responses based on smallholder positioning within value-chains, political reactions to land-use and land control change remain peripheral to the contemporary land-grab debate (World Bank, 2011, Braun, von, and Meinzen-Dick, 2009) except for recent efforts (Xu, 2019).
Although sugarcane production in southern Africa has been described as both commercial and developmental, enclosures on land, water and other natural resources have ignited debate about the relative merits of LaSAIs, agribusiness concentration and coordination arrangements shaping smallholder participation in value-chains (World Bank, 2008, Collier and Dercon, 2013, Baglioni and Gibbon, 2013). Critical agrarian studies have increasingly promoted contract farming and outgrower schemes as alternatives to outright land purchases and as inclusive business models in which local smallholder farmers can participate – stereotyped as ‘win-win’ arrangements (Cotula et al., 2009, Borras et al., 2011). They emphasise capital investments in different settings and their related logics, state policies and politics (Dubb et al., 2016, Dubb, 2016), livelihoods and implications for labour and social differentiation (Manda, Dougill, & Tallontire, 2018a).
Previous studies have shown terms of outgrowing contracts are diverse, generating different pathways for the distribution of risks and gains which re-organises class relations in rural geographies (Oya, 2012, Smalley, 2013). For instance, outgrowers are generally smallholders using their own land and labour for production within a commercial relationship for output marketing and input supply but recent developments in southern Africa show smallholders can cede their land for a dividend as land owners – dubbed ‘shareholder outgrowing’ (Hall et al., 2017, Matenga and Hichaambwa, 2017). A different set of literature has focused on smallholder agency and their related forms of, and political dynamics of resistance, highlighting how struggles around land deals go beyond resistance and expulsion (Hall et al., 2015, Xu, 2019). The argument is that ‘political reactions from below’, highlight how local people negotiate dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in value-chains and implications for prospects of local accumulation (Hall et al., 2015). With exceptions, little research and analysis is available on how activation of value-chains in different settings including terms and conditions for value-chain inclusion and/or exclusion shape diverse outcomes, and processes that underpin these dynamics in local communities. There is a gap in understanding interactions between processes and forms of inclusion in value-chains and commercial agriculture on the one hand and land and labour relations and dynamics in the local economies on the other (Hall, Scoones, & Tsikata, 2017).
The problem with existing agrarian political economy literature is that it misses essential contours and trajectories of political reactions from below. With rapidly changing agrarian contexts across sub-Saharan Africa (Collier and Dercon, 2013, World Bank, 2009a, Wiggins et al., 2010), this literature misses important inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics and diverse factors that shape local outcomes. Some of these relate to an overly focus on local resistance against corporations or state, ignoring intra-or inter community conflicts/divergencies even among the poor themselves. The centrality of land and struggles of access by local people has tended to ignore other triggers of political reactions from below. Ignored also are struggles of smallholders included in value-chains, focusing instead on the struggles of the excluded. Yet, smallholders are not a homogenous category (Borras and Franco, 2012, Hall et al., 2015). As Xu (2019) notes: [t]hey have distinct resource endowments (e.g. land control, labour conditions, financial resources and social resources) and are embedded in certain political-economic environments” (p.3). Smallholders thus face different circumstances and that their responses to value-chains expansion differ. How and why socially differentiated groups respond differently to expanding value-chains within the same industry and local setting remains an interesting area of research and is central to this researcher (Bolwig et al., 2010, Tobin et al., 2016).
This paper addresses two principal objectives. The first explores terms and conditions for sugar value-chain inclusion in differently structured outgrower schemes and how these shape outcomes in southern Zambia. The second focuses on processes shaping inclusion and/or non-inclusion in sugar value-chains – structural and non-structural – and how local reactions differ. By doing so, the paper highlights complex layers of inclusion and exclusion for smallholders variously linked to sugar value-chains, important for rethinking rural politics, the nature and character of value-chain participation and/or non-participation (Xu, 2019). These elements can be addressed by unpacking social-economic and political processes that underpin inclusion and exclusion in local spaces, and then linking these to interests of, and reactions from local groups. This paper is structured into five main sections. In the next section, the paper introduces framings of inclusion and exclusion in value-chains and political reactions from below. Section three is the methodology. Research findings are presented in section four, and based on these results, the paper reflects on understanding of key trajectories of investment options for smallholders and political reactions from below in section five.
Section snippets
Inclusion, exclusion and ‘Political reaction from below’
In agrarian political economy literature, political reactions from below in LaSAIs have narrowly focused on forms of resistance (Moreda, 2015, O’Brien et al., 2006, Martiniello, 2015, Edelman, 1999; Gingembre, 2015). Recent literature neglects reactions from below have tended to ignore reactions between and among poor people themselves, other triggers of political reactions beyond struggles over access and control over land, and struggles of included smallholders such as the way they contend
Studying the ‘Sugarbelt’ district of Mazabuka
The sugar industry in Zambia reflects three regimes: private-sector driven (1960–1972); government supported through nationalization (1972–1995); and privatisation (1995 – to date). Current sugar production is concentrated in Mazabuka, one of the poorest districts in southern Zambia with an estimated population of 221,893 67% of which live in rural areas (CSO 2014). Dubbed the ‘Sugarbelt,’ Mazabuka is known for its dominance in sugar production. Agriculture is the dominant activity, and
Public-Private partnerships and irrigation management transfers
Public-private partnerships and irrigation management transfers were identified as important in promoting inclusion in sugar value-chains among smallholders. Donor and state actors have in the post-2000 period provided smallholder irrigation infrastructure, formalising institutions responsible for the management of outgrowers and then handing those over to groups of farmers to work in them. Recent scholarly efforts have shown strong connection between international finance in outgrower
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
Acknowledgements
We thank the three anonymous reviewers for their guidance throughout the processes of developing this manuscript. We acknowledge the contribution of various people and institutions that assisted during field work, including Caroline Miti for assistance with initial edits and proofreading of our manuscript. Funding was provided by the University of Zambia and a Commonwealth Scholarship Commission research studentship to Simon Manda.
Data accessibility statement
Data is drawn from a PhD project, which can only be accessed through University of Leeds guidelines.
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