Elsevier

Social Science Research

Volume 39, Issue 1, January 2010, Pages 165-175
Social Science Research

Racial/ethnic composition, social disorganization, and offsite alcohol availability in San Diego County, California

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2009.04.006Get rights and content

Abstract

We draw upon social disorganization theory to examine the effects of community characteristics on the distribution of offsite alcohol outlets in San Diego County, California. Of particular interest is whether alcohol availability varies according to neighborhood racial/ethnic composition once measures of social disorganization (socioeconomic disadvantage, residential instability, and racial/ethnic heterogeneity) are controlled. Using data from the 1990 Census and 1993 alcohol license reports, we estimate a series of negative binomial regression models with corrections for spatial autocorrelation. The results show that percent Asian is associated with lower offsite alcohol outlet density. Once socioeconomic disadvantage is controlled, percent Latino is related to lower alcohol availability. Although similar suppressor patterns are observed, percent Black is generally unrelated to outlet density. Consistent with social disorganization theory, socioeconomic disadvantage and residential instability predict increased alcohol availability. Neighborhood racial/ethnic composition is either unrelated or inversely related to outlet density once social disorganization and other neighborhood characteristics are taken into account.

Introduction

Alcohol availability, measured by the distribution of alcohol outlets in neighborhoods and communities, is a major public health concern. Studies show that alcohol availability or alcohol outlet density is associated with higher rates of sexually transmitted infections (Scribner et al., 1998), driving under the influence (Treno et al., 2003), lethal and non-lethal violence (e.g., Gorman et al., 2005, Hipp, 2007, Nielsen and Martinez, 2003, Peterson et al., 2000), alcohol-related hospital admissions (Tatlow et al., 2000), and mortality from liver disease, cardiovascular disease, and homicide (Cohen et al., 2004, Scribner et al., 1994, Watts and Rabow, 1983; but see Jones-Webb et al., 2008). Given the apparent public health significance of alcohol availability and related concerns for environmental justice (Romley et al., 2007), attention must be directed to the social distribution of alcohol outlets in communities.

Despite linkages between alcohol availability and adverse outcomes, characteristics of neighborhoods in which outlets tend to be located and concentrated have received relatively little attention. Similar to research on the concentration of other potentially harmful types of businesses, including fast food restaurants (e.g., Block et al., 2004) and tobacco outlets (e.g., Hyland et al., 2003), a number of studies have specifically highlighted the racial/ethnic compositions of communities in which alcohol outlets are concentrated (Dawkins et al., 1979, LaVeist and Wallace, 2000, Romley et al., 2007). Some research shows that alcohol outlet density is positively associated with the percentage of Black residents in Washington, DC (Dawkins et al., 1979), Baltimore (LaVeist and Wallace, 2000), and in various U.S. cities (Jones-Webb et al., 2008). In an analysis of outlet density across U.S. zip codes, Romley and colleagues (2007) find that the average number of liquor stores per mile is higher for Blacks, Latinos, and Asian/Pacific Islanders and lower for Native Americans than for Whites although per capita liquor store density is higher only for Blacks compared to Whites. Another study found that race/ethnic composition is unrelated to alcohol outlet density in Newark, NJ (Gorman and Speer, 1997).

In this paper, we draw on social disorganization theory (Shaw and McKay, 1969) to examine and better understand community characteristics that may predict the concentration of offsite alcohol outlets. Although originally concerned with community conditions like delinquency, crime, and tuberculosis, social disorganization theory offers potentially important insights concerning how characteristics of communities, including race/ethnic composition, might be related to alcohol availability. Shaw and McKay (1969) identified three structural indicators of social disorganization, including socioeconomic disadvantage, racial/ethnic/nativity heterogeneity, and population instability. They recognized that the structural conditions of social disorganization (e.g., socioeconomic disadvantage) could undermine social control (i.e., community’s ability to control the behavior of residents and visitors in order to realize common goals) and lead to a range of criminal and public health outcomes at the community level (Cohen et al., 2003, Gruenewald et al., 2006, Lochner et al., 2003, Peterson et al., 2000, Sampson et al., 1997, Sampson and Wilson, 1995).

Does social disorganization contribute to the concentration of alcohol outlets in communities? To this point few studies have addressed this question. Nevertheless, research consistently shows that alcohol outlets, especially offsite outlets, are more heavily concentrated in economically deprived neighborhoods characterized by low levels of median income, low rates of high school graduation, and high rates of service sector jobs, poverty, unemployment, and substandard housing (Dawkins et al., 1979, Gorman and Speer, 1997, Jones-Webb et al., 2008, LaVeist and Wallace, 2000, Pollack et al., 2005, Romley et al., 2007).

If communities characterized by racial/ethnic minorities, socioeconomic disadvantage, and residential instability tend to have higher alcohol outlet densities, why is this the case? According to social disorganization theory, minority racial/ethnic composition contributes to adverse outcomes through racism and discrimination as well as unfavorable social and economic circumstances (Sampson and Wilson, 1995, Shaw and McKay, 1969). For example, communities with substantial minority populations are often characterized by socioeconomic disadvantage and residential instability, which tend to undermine political and financial capital and therefore the ability to mobilize and exercise political and social influences that are usually necessary to resist the emergence and concentration of alcohol outlets (Peterson et al., 2000, Sampson et al., 1997, Wilson, 1996) and fast food restaurants (Kwate, 2008). In support of this perspective, Velez and colleagues (2003: 650; see also Kwate, 2008) note that more “affluent communities are positioned to garner law enforcement, other protective services… and zoning restrictions that limit the encroachment of bars, other establishments with liquor licenses….”

Although prior research has contributed to our understanding of the social distribution of alcohol outlets in communities, two important issues call for further investigation. First, because race/ethnic composition is a key factor related to alcohol outlet density in some studies (Dawkins et al., 1979, LaVeist and Wallace, 2000, Romley et al., 2007; but see Gorman and Speer, 1997), it is important to examine whether this relationship endures when controlling for socioeconomic characteristics of communities. That is, are outlets concentrated in areas with high proportions of race/ethnic minorities per se, or do such patterns reflect social disorganization in communities as would be suggested by the theory? In addition, while several studies have focused on Black composition as a risk factor for outlet density (and for the concentration of fast food restaurants and tobacco outlets (e.g., Block et al., 2004, Hyland et al., 2003, Kwate, 2008)), less is known about the effects of Latino or Asian composition for the concentration of such businesses. Second, existing studies typically omit controls for other potentially important community characteristics and land uses that may be related to alcohol availability. It is therefore unknown whether the effects of racial/ethnic composition, socioeconomic standing, and residential instability on alcohol outlet density persist with adjustments for such control measures. Most extant research (Dawkins et al., 1979, Gorman and Speer, 1997, LaVeist and Wallace, 2000, Romley et al., 2007; but see Jones-Webb et al., 2008) also does not address issues related to spatial effects, an important limitation.

With these limitations of previous studies in mind, we seek to address the following research questions: Are offsite alcohol outlets concentrated in communities with higher percentages of racial/ethnic minorities? If so, are the effects of racial/ethnic composition explained by socioeconomic disadvantage, residential instability, and racial/ethnic heterogeneity? To answer these questions, we examine the distribution of alcohol outlets in San Diego County, CA. By using these data we build on prior research, which is generally restricted to northeastern U.S. cities with limited racial/ethnic heterogeneity. San Diego County is racially and ethnically diverse, with a majority non-Latino White population and sizeable proportions of Latinos, Blacks, and Asians. In addressing our research questions, we seek to extend the literature by considering community-level (i.e., census tract) predictors of offsite alcohol outlet density, disaggregated by type (i.e., package stores and beer/wine only outlets). We also correct for spatial autocorrelation, an important issue in analyses involving geographic units (e.g., Anselin et al., 2000, Land and Deane, 1992, Sampson et al., 2002).

Section snippets

Data

The unit of analysis is the census tract, a common proxy for communities (e.g., Hipp, 2007, LaVeist and Wallace, 2000; see Sampson et al., 2002). Data for all but one of the independent variables were obtained from 1990 Census information (U.S. Bureau of Census, 1992). Data for the other independent variable – the number of shopping centers – were obtained from a program called Integrated Realty Information System published by PropertyKey for commercial properties defined as “shopping centers”.

Results

Table 1 shows descriptive statistics for the alcohol outlet and community characteristics variables. On average, there are approximately 4.4 outlets per tract, including 2.2 beer/wine-only outlets and 2.2 package stores. Concerning racial/ethnic composition, the heterogeneity measure’s mean indicates that tracts fall between completely homogenous and proportional in composition, although this varies. Two-thirds (67.8%) of County residents are non-Latino White, about 20% are Latino, and fewer

Discussion/conclusion

This paper examined community characteristics associated with the presence of offsite alcohol outlets in San Diego County, CA. Building on prior research, we aimed to advance the literature by assessing if racial/ethnic composition and/or other community characteristics are related to offsite alcohol availability. In particular, drawing upon social disorganization theory (Shaw and McKay, 1969), we considered the roles of racial/ethnic heterogeneity and composition, socioeconomic conditions,

Acknowledgments

Financial assistance for this study was provided by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (Grant No. R01 AA13167). The authors are grateful for the comments and suggestions of Ramiro Martinez, Jr. and the research support of Michael Weiss. We thank Robert Nash Parker for providing the alcohol outlet data. We are also indebted to William Russell for editorial assistance. The authors are entirely responsible for the research conducted in this paper, and their position or opinions

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