Elsevier

Computers & Education

Volume 55, Issue 2, September 2010, Pages 454-464
Computers & Education

Internet parenting styles and the impact on Internet use of primary school children

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.compedu.2010.02.009Get rights and content

Abstract

Next to available data about actual Internet use of young children at home, most research especially focuses on the threats and opportunities about active Internet usage. Limited empirical research focuses on the role and impact of parents in this context. In the present study, Internet parenting styles are defined and operationalized to study the impact on actual Internet usage of children at home. Two dimensions are distinguished in Internet parenting styles: parental control and parental warmth. Based on a survey, involving 533 parents from children in primary schools, this Internet usage was studied from the perspective of Internet parenting styles. Results point at high Internet access at home. As to the parenting styles, we observe a dominance of the authoritative parenting style (59.4%). The styles differ when controlling for parent gender, educational background and age. Parenting styles are also linked to level of parent Internet usage, Internet attitude and Internet experience. Parenting styles also significantly affect child Internet usage. The highest child usage level is perceived when parents adopt a permissive parenting style; the lowest level is observed when parents adopt an authoritarian Internet parenting style. The variables Internet parenting style, parent Internet behavior, and parent educational background significantly predict Internet usage of children at home (R2 = .44). Theoretical and practical implications are discussed and directions for future research.

Introduction

The current generation of young children is the first not having experienced a world without ICT. They are therefore called “digital natives” (Prensky, 2001), “the net generation” (Oblinger & Oblinger, 2005), “screenagers” (Rushkoff, 1997), or “millenials” (Howe & Strauss, 2000). Despite their straightforward access to the Internet, it is an illusion to think that their use of the Internet is not challenged. Many authors state that this generation is not only to be called “whiz kids” (Lee & Chae, 2007), but also “risk-kids” (Kuipers, 2006).

Livingstone (2003) discussed all-round use of the Internet by children and distinguished three main categories: (1) entertainment, (2) education, and (3) edutainment. We can add a fourth category that refers to the consumer role of children via the Internet. Young children are approached via “gamevertising” (Youn, 2008), and involved in activities as active consumers (Tufte, 2006).

Recent research – in developed countries – clearly indicates that Internet use is mainly a home based activity. Up to 91.2% of primary school children surf on the Internet at home; in contrast to about 66% at school (Lee and Chae, 2007, Mumtaz, 2001, Valcke et al., submitted for publication). This introduces the critical role of parents in view of safe Internet usage and Internet education. The latter is according to Livingstone (2007) also obvious when we compare the extent to which children feel confident about using the Internet (92%) versus their parents (62%). This points at a “generational divide” in Internet usage (Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2005). A remarkable side effect is, according to Kiesler, Lundmark, Zdaniuk, and Kraut (2000), that parents consider their children as a “home guru” in view of the computer and the Internet.

The need for “net-education” is clear when we review research about Internet risk behavior of young children. It seems that young children lack a sufficient level of e-maturity to be able to manage these risks. In an earlier study, we observed that 86.3% of the primary school children did reflect unsafe Internet usage. Five Internet risk areas can be distinguished (Vanlanduyt & De Cleyn, 2007). Firstly, the Internet can have a negative impact on social relations. Research points at 42% of children being a victim of cyber-bullying (Chisholm, 2006, Vanlanduyt and De Cleyn, 2007, van Rooij and van den Eijden, 2007), or cyberstalking (Kerbs, 2005). Secondly, research points at a negative emotional impact due to unwanted exposure to pornography, violence, explicit language, etc. (Beebe et al., 2004, Chisholm, 2006, Fleming et al., 2006, Livingstone, 2003, Mitchell et al., 2005, Valentine and Holloway, 2001). Many children (up to 16.7%) indicate they have been threatened online (De Rycke, 2007, Valcke et al., 2007, Wang et al., 2005). Many don't understand the risks of passing personal details to unknown Internet “friends” (Livingstone, 2003, Youn, 2008). Thirdly, the Internet seems to affect physical health. For instance, research points at obesities, reduced concentration, and muscle pain (Barkin et al., 2006, Vanlanduyt and De Cleyn, 2007, Wang et al., 2005). Fourthly, studies observe a negative impact on time management, resulting in Internet addiction and neglect of school tasks, lower involvement in family activities, etc. (Kerbs, 2005). Lastly, authors indicate the risk of consumerism and commercial exploitation (Livingstone, 2003). In the context of these five risks areas it is important to consider that parents do not fully understand these risks (Chisholm, 2006, Livingstone and Bober, 2004).

The rapid adoption of the Internet by the younger generation, is central to research about technology acceptance models (TAM). In this research (see e.g., Bourgonjon et al., 2010, Martínez-Torres et al., 2009, Toral et al., 2007), a series of variables are entered as predictors for technology acceptance. This field of research is important since it considers both internal (cognitive, volitional, experience related) prediction variables and external prediction variables. The present study centers on such external variables that – in this case – originate from parents: the way they support, control, manage, or direct technology use of their family members. As will be stated at the end of the article, future TAM research could build on the results of the present study to incorporate Internet parenting styles as a potentially relevant predictor.

The role of parents in relation to Internet use of young children is a relatively new research theme. Available research centers on “control” (De Rycke, 2007, Livingstone, 2007, Lwin et al., 2008, Wang et al., 2005) or on “support by parents” (Grossbart et al., 2002, Valkenburg, 2002). Some studies consider both perspectives (Barkin et al., 2006, Bauwens, 2007, Eastin et al., 2006, Pauwels et al., 2008, Rosen, 2008). Available studies hardly involve the parents since they mainly gather information via their children. This can result in a potential sampling and research bias due to a too strong focus on “the child's subjective experience of parental monitoring” (Heim, Brandtzaeg, Hertzberg, & Endstad, 2007, p. 444). In addition, these studies do not consider parenting styles. Wang et al. (2005) state in this context: “We know very little about what happens when parents, children, and the Internet come together” (p. 1257). Barkin et al. (2006) add: “Little is known about parents' role in mediating their children's media use” (p. 395). This brings Tiller, Garrison, Benchea Block, Cramer, and Tiller (2003,) to state that “There is a need to study families with younger children so that parents better understand their children's development in light of their own parenting practices” (p. 3). Though some research about parenting styles is available in the literature, the empirical basis is limited, does yet not focus on all dimensions in parenting styles, is not based on data from the parents themselves, and does not consider other variables and processes that interact with these parenting styles.

In the present article, we firstly centre on the potential role of parents in relation to Internet usage of primary school children. This is next studied from the perspective of parenting styles and variables and processes in parents and children interacting with parenting styles. An empirical study is reported to uncover the nature of Internet parenting styles and how this influences actual Internet usage of their children.

Section snippets

Parent roles

Darling (1999, p. 1) and Darling and Steinberg (1993, p. 487) define parenting as follows: “Parenting is a complex activity that includes many specific behaviors that work individually and together to influence child outcomes”. In the literature, authors point at a material and a symbolic responsibility of parents to foster the development of e-mature children (Livingstone & Bober, 2004). Their “material role” is linked to purchase computers, and give access to the Internet in the home context

Sampling

In the present study, we involved parents of children enrolled in the fifth or sixth grade of primary school. The rationale to centre on this age group is linked to research findings that these children reflect already a high extent of Internet usage (Wang et al., 2005). This group of children evolves from starting Internet users to all-round users (Pardoen & Pijpers, 2006). Other authors stress that from this age on children are able to work completely independent on the Internet (Nikken, 2002

To what extent is Internet access at home related to characteristics of the parents and family?

Only a minority of parents reports not to have Internet access at home (N = 43, 8.1%). In addition, 46.7% of those with Internet access also point out that Internet is available in multiple sites at home. Internet access is clearly linked to age of the parent (χ2 = 17.62, p < .001), educational background (χ2 = 37.61, p < .001), and migration status (χ2 = 28.98, p < .001).

Younger parents (<34) have less access to the Internet at home. This is also true for parents with a lower educational background (primary

Discussion

Considering the exploratory nature of this study, it is not easy to contrast or study the research findings with results of the scarcely available comparable studies. This is especially the case for studies about parental warmth. More research is already available about parental control. When available, we will mirror the findings with available empirical data. By preference we build on research data from a comparable geographical context (Belgium–the Netherlands), because we expect that

Implications, limitations and conclusions

The findings of the present study have a number of theoretical and practical implications. At a theoretical level, the results add empirical evidence to the construct parenting styles and the extent to which the styles are influence by background variables and mediating processes. It is clear that the theoretical position of varying parenting styles is confirmed, but also amended since a fifth – mixed – parenting style could be identified. From a theoretical point of view, the present findings

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