Transcending the gender dichotomy in educational gender gap research: The association between gender identity and academic self-efficacy
Introduction
In recent decades, the gender gap in education has become a problem that has captured the minds of policymakers and researchers alike. It became clear in the 1990s that girls had started to outperform boys on several parameters and these trends continue to this day: boys repeat grades more often (Fergusson, Horwood, 1997, Van Landeghem et al, 2010), have lower marks in class (Duckworth, Seligman, 2006, Epstein et al, 1998, Fergusson, Horwood, 1997, Jackson, 1998, Van de Gaer et al, 2006, Younger, Warrington, 1996), drop out more often (Buchmann et al, 2008, Fergusson, Horwood, 1997, Van Landeghem et al, 2010), have lower enrollment in higher education (Buchmann et al, 2008, Van Woensel, 2007) and are overrepresented in special education services and remedial classes (Benjamin, 2003). These findings are not limited to one country, but are encountered all over the western world (Benjamin, 2003, Martínez et al, 2012) and thus constitute a pervasive challenge.
In order to remedy this underachievement of boys, it is important to understand the processes through which achievement is determined. Academic self-efficacy has proven to be one of the most central predictors of educational achievement. Self-efficacy refers to people's beliefs in their capability to perform certain tasks (Bandura, 1997, Schunk, Pajares, 2001, Zimmerman, 2000) and has been shown to connect both directly (Bandura, 1997, Bandura et al, 1996, Multon et al, 1991) and indirectly to academic achievement (Bandura, 1997, Multon et al, 1991, Zimmerman, 2000).
Gender differences in self-efficacy are rather complex and nuanced. For instance, gender differences in self-efficacy only start to occur in adolescence and tend to be mostly subject-specific, with girls having higher self-efficacy in language arts and boys in mathematics (Huang, 2013). These multifaceted findings can be clarified through the framework of masculinities theory. Masculinities theory takes gendered peer cultures into account and hence clarifies how students ‘do gender’ in their everyday lives at school. For instance, certain subjects are considered to be masculine or feminine (Connell, 1996, Martino, 1996). Since students tend to be more sure of themselves in subjects which fit within their gender-category (Pajares, 2002, Pajares, Valiante, 2001, Schunk, Pajares, 2001), this raises boys' self-efficacy for ‘masculine’ subjects, such as mathematics, and girls' self-efficacy for language arts.
One of the largest problems with masculinities theory, however, is that it has a group-based approach and therefore neglects intrasexual differences (Francis, 2000, Francis, 2010). Despite the general tendency for girls to outperform boys, research has shown there are high-performing boys and low-achieving girls as well. Because of the theory's focus on general intersexual differences, these female low-achievers and male high-achievers are rendered invisible (Warrington, Younger, & Williams, 2000). We suggest that to adequately understand the mechanisms through which boys and girls end up at the top or the bottom of a class and thus to remedy the educational gender gap, it is important to consider not only intersexual differences, but those intrasexual differences as well.
We put gender identity forward as a concept that could help to account for these intrasexual differences. Gender identity, a central concept in multifactorial theory (see below), refers to the extent to which someone feels to be masculine or feminine, regardless of biological sex, given what it means to be masculine or feminine in a given society (Perry, Pauletti, 2011, Stets, Burke, 2000, Tobin et al, 2010, Wood, Eagly, 2009). This concept thus builds on masculinities theory by equally considering the impact of masculinity/femininity on behavior, choices, dispositions, and traits. However, unlike masculinities theory which assesses group-based gender cultures, gender identity gauges masculinity and femininity on an individual level and thus goes beyond masculinities theory's scope.
In this paper we will investigate the way sex and gender identity link to academic self-efficacy. In should be noted that we will consider self-efficacy for self-regulated learning. This form of self-efficacy is less gender biased than domain-specific self-efficacy (Huang, 2013), such as self-efficacy for mathematics or language, and is more pertinent to general academic achievement than self-efficacy in a specific school subject (Pajares, 2002, Pajares, Valiante, 2001). More specifically, we will consider the interaction between sex and gender identity to investigate inter- and intrasexual differences regarding the association of self-perceived masculinity/femininity on self-efficacy. This way, we hope to better understand the underlying processes that lead to girls' and boys' educational success.
Section snippets
Self-efficacy and achievement
Self-efficacy refers to the beliefs and confidence that one can perform certain tasks or behaviors and is grounded within the larger theoretical framework known as social cognitive theory. This theory proposes that human achievement is dependent on one's behaviors, internal personal factors (such as cognitive, affective and biological events) and environmental conditions (Bandura, 1997, Schunk, Pajares, 2001). Hence, social cognitive theory encompasses a large array of motivators and regulators
Self-efficacy and gender
Since self-efficacy is a central factor in educational achievement, it is interesting to see how it can contribute to the explanation of the gender gap in academic attainment. Most research finds some gender differences; however, these results were often inconsistent (Meece, Glienke, & Burg, 2006). Huang (2013) performed a meta-analysis, which included over 200 studies, to better answer the question regarding gender differences in self-efficacy. Her results show that age is an important
Connecting masculinities theory to self-efficacy
Masculinities theory puts gender differences in educational outcomes in a broader context by situating it within cultures of masculinity and femininity. In schools, this takes the shape of gendered peer cultures. In this theory, the concept of hegemonic masculinity takes central stage. Hegemonic masculinity is the dominant form of masculinity, which is superior in the gender order (Connell, 1996). In order for hegemonic masculinity to exist, it must define itself against what it is not, what it
Gender identity
We propose that research on gender identity could remedy the earlier-discussed shortcomings of masculinities theory. Unlike masculinities theory, gender identity is an individual-based characteristic that accounts for both masculinity and femininity and can be assessed in a qualitative and quantitative fashion. The concept of gender identity, which is central in multifactorial theory, refers to the extent to which someone feels masculine or feminine, regardless of biological sex (Perry,
Research questions and hypotheses
As discussed above, the survey-research that connects gender identity with educational outcomes has so far mainly focused on general motivation or achievement itself. To our knowledge, research regarding the link between gender identity on self-efficacy is non-existent. Research regarding sex differences in self-efficacy is more prevalent, however, and has shown that such differences are usually non-existent in elementary school, but increase throughout adolescence (Huang, 2013). Hence, it
Data
The data were gathered in the first half of the school year 2012–2013. Schools were selected so each geographical region within Flanders (Belgium) was equally represented. Selection was further dependent on school denomination and a proportional representation of rural versus city schools. Within these parameters, three random samples were drawn. For each school which refused, a matched school from the next random sample was contacted. In the end, of the 124 contacted schools 59 schools
Results
The zero-order correlations showed that the associations between the variables did not differ much between boys and girls, with the exception of the association between gender typicality and self-efficacy (see Table 2). Table 2 shows that the positive association between gender typicality and self-efficacy was almost twice as large for girls as it was for boys. This positive association is in accordance with the first hypothesis and the stronger association for girls supports the second
Discussion
Throughout the years, the gender gap in education has been widely investigated in several countries and from several viewpoints. As one of these theoretical viewpoints, masculinities theory has helped to clarify the influence of gendered peer cultures and ‘doing gender’ on students' everyday school behavior and educational outcomes. However, these investigations have necessarily remained qualitative and group-based, because of the scope and characteristics of masculinities theory. Another
Conclusions
This research into the educational gender gap is exceptional because of the consideration of intrasexual differences by employing the concept of gender identity. The results show that self-perceived typical girls score the highest on academic self-efficacy, followed by typical boys. This indicates that individually-assessed masculinity and femininity help to understand the workings of the gender gap in education. Apparently, self-perceived femininity in girls is more positively connected to
Acknowledgments
We would like to acknowledge the project “Teaching in the bed of Procrustes”, financed by the Institute for Science and Technology (Project Number: SBO 110020), which made this research possible.
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