The Negative Physical Self Scale: Initial development and validation in samples of Chinese adolescents and young adults
Introduction
During the past two decades, numerous self-report scales have been developed to assess physical self concept, body image disturbances (BID) and body satisfaction (e.g., Banfield & McCabe, 2002; Ben-Tovim & Walker, 1991; Cash, 1994; Delaney, O’Keefe, & Skene, 1997; Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983; Gleaves, Williamson, Eberenz, Sebastian, & Barker, 1995; Marsh & Redmayne, 1994; Mendelson, Mendelson, & White, 2001; Orbach & Mikulincer, 1998; Petrie, Tripp, & Harvey, 2002). Such measures have considerable utility in light of research showing these constructs are reliably associated with risk for eating disorder (e.g., Stice, 2002), diminished self worth (e.g., Thompson & Hammond, 2003), depression (e.g., Stice & Hayward, 2000), anxiety (e.g., Psujek & Martz, 2004), personality disturbances (e.g., Narduzzi and Jackson, 2000, Narduzzi and Jackson, 2002), and poor health behaviors such as smoking and drinking (e.g., Stice & Shaw, 2003).
Nonetheless, existing measures typically tap concerns with general physical appearance, body size, body shape, and/or body weight to the exclusion of other physical features, some of which may also be central to physical self-concept and body image in non-clinical samples (Marsh & Hattie, 1996) and among persons from non-Western cultures. For example, although dissatisfaction with larger body sizes/higher body weights and desire to be thinner have been reported in Asian samples (e.g., Lee, 1993; Lee & Lee, 1996; Li, Hu, Ma, Wu, & Ma, 2005), other physical features may also be sources of concern in light of Asians’ typically leaner body types (Huon, Qian, Oliver, & Xiao, 2002). Indeed, taller height (Leong, Lam, & Size, 2001), lighter skin complexion (Lee, 1993), and even plumpness (Lee, 1993) are among the physical features that have been viewed as highly desirable, at least among women, in samples from Hong Kong. Consequently, measures developed with Western samples may have limited utility for assessing positive and negative body image in Asian countries. In particular, psychometrically sound measures are needed in developing nations such as China, a country in which little is known about the nature, causes, and consequences of BID, despite boasting the planet's most rapidly expanding economy and 20% of its population.
In exploratory research on sources of body image concern among the Chinese (Chen, 2006), 115 female and 87 male high school and university students from Chongqing, were given open-ended questions about personal physical characteristics with which they were least satisfied and would most like to change, the worst change to their physical appearance they could imagine, and physical characteristics that people they knew had expressed a desire to change. Frequency counts revealed that although being too heavy, gaining weight, or becoming fat were common sources of concern, height, facial feature(s), and skin were also prominent appearance complaints. In contrast to what might be expected in Western samples, some respondents also expressed concern about being underweight or too thin.
Other researchers have also suggested these are plausible sources of BID in China. For example, concerns both with being excessively fat and excessively thin have been reported among the Chinese. Scholars have noted that historically, thinness was linked to poverty, bad fortune, and ill-health in China while plumpness was a sign of prosperity and an ideal body type (e.g., Lee, 1993; Lee, Leung, Lee, Yu, & Leung, 1996). However, recent generations from Hong Kong and mainland China may be embracing a thinner ideal body type, despite already weighing significantly less than their Western counterparts (Huon et al., 2002, Lee et al., 1996, Leung et al., 2001, Li et al., 2005), Nonetheless, selected research has also reported Chinese undergraduates, especially males, are sometimes concerned that they are too thin and would like to gain weight (e.g., Lee et al., 1996).
If research in the West has found that relatively taller people are rated as more attractive mates (Harrison & Saeed, 1977) and have greater self esteem, perceived social status, and income after controlling for gender, age, and body weight (Judge & Cable, 2004), height concerns may be an even greater source of BID in China where minimum height requirements are commonplace hiring criteria in job advertisements (Kahn, 2004). Perhaps due to perceptions that the taller among us have an aura of authority, positions in government offices, legal firms, banks, education, and catering and leisure industries often require men to be at least 1.70 m tall and women to be 1.60 m tall. In this context, the observation that many male and female undergraduates in Hong Kong wanted to be taller (Lee et al., 1996) is readily understood. An extreme consequence of height biases has been the willingness of some middle class Chinese men and women to undergo expensive, painful, and risky leg-lengthening operations to increase height (Watts, 2004).
Other studies have suggested facial features are central to judgments of attractiveness in China. Lee et al. (1996) assert that a woman is regarded as beautiful in China when her face is symmetrical, her eyebrows are distinct, her eyes are big and alert, her nose is straight, and her mouth is shaped like a cherry. These authors found undergraduate women more often desired bigger eyes, a smaller face, a higher nose, a smaller mouth and a lighter complexion than their male counterparts; 15.2% endorsed some facial feature as the body part with which they were least satisfied. In another study, facial attractiveness was more important than either grade point average or public examination performance among observers judging work-related skills of Hong Kong job candidates (Chiu & Babcock, 2002). As with responses to height concerns, increasing numbers of Chinese undergo cosmetic surgeries to lengthen the nose, reshape the jaw, and most commonly, to put an extra fold of skin in eyelids in bids to improve their prospects in the workplace and love (Watts, 2004).
Based on initial pilot work (Chen, 2006) and supporting evidence from other researchers, concerns with overweight, underweight, height, and facial appearance are plausible sources of BID in China. However, some evidence is indirect (e.g., tracking incidence of cosmetic surgeries) and studies from Hong Kong (e.g., Chiu & Babcock, 2002; Lee, 1993, Lee et al., 1996, Leung et al., 2001) do not necessarily apply to less Westernized, developing regions of China. The purpose of this research was to construct and validate a multidimensional measure of potential sources of BID, the Negative Physical Self Scale (NPS), intended for use with adolescents and adults from the Chinese mainland.
Section snippets
Study 1
Study 1 involved the derivation of an initial factor structure for the NPS. Items were created to reflect specific content areas of BID identified above (fatness, thinness, shortness, facial looks) as well as general dissatisfaction with physical appearance. Because BID are multifaceted and include cognitive, affective, perceptual and behavioral components (Banfield & McCabe, 2002; Gleaves et al., 1995; Thompson, Altabe, Johnson, & Stormer, 1994), items were generated to tap these inter-related
Study 2
Confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) were performed to test plausible models of NPS factor structure. Given NPS components from the EFA had both content domains (i.e., Facial Appearance, Fatness, Thinness, Shortness, General Appearance) and sub-dimensions within each component reflecting specific modes of functioning (i.e., cognition-affect, behavior, projection), three distinct, plausible models were tested. First, a three component “modes of functioning” model (CA, B, P) was assessed. Second, a
Study 3
Given a conceptually suitable factor structure was obtained for the NPS, the convergent and discriminant validity of its subscales was a focus of two subsequent studies. In Study 3, subgroups from EFA and CFA samples identified as (1) relatively short in height, (2) relatively low in BMI, or (3) relatively high in BMI were expected to report more concerns than comparison groups with regard to Shortness, Thinness, and Fatness, respectively, but differences were not expected on other NPS factors.
Study 4
In Study 4, relations between NPS subscales and other Chinese-language self report measures of physical appearance were assessed. As well, given links between body satisfaction/body esteem and general self esteem (e.g., Mendelson et al., 2001), we expected NPS factors would also have negative associations with general self worth. Finally, the discriminant validity of NPS subscales was examined further by assessing their relations with a theoretically-unrelated measure, moral self worth.
General discussion
The studies above described the development and initial validation of the Negative Physical Self Scale (NPS), a multidimensional measure tapping self-reported thoughts and feelings, behavior, and projections about body image concerns for use with samples from China. Similar to Western measures of BID (e.g., Fox & Corbin, 1989; Garner et al., 1983, Gleaves et al., 1995, Mendelson et al., 2001), the NPS included factors reflecting dissatisfaction with general physical appearance and concerns with
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the National Key Subject Foundation of Fundamental Psychology ( # 04016). We thank He Yulan, Shuai Shun, Zhou Ping, Guo Yong, Liu Lan, Chen Fengyu, Zhai Lihong, Peng Guangxiu, and Wang Jieyu for assistance with data collection.
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