Does family matter for recent immigrants’ life satisfaction?
Introduction
People often migrate in search of a better life. To date, most research concentrates on whether or not migrants achieve a better life in economic terms. Scholars commonly measure integration in terms of income, educational attainment, or even naturalization rates, but still relatively little is known about how migrants assess their own life in the destination country (De Jong, Chamratrithirong, & Tran, 2002; Easterlin, 2006; Suh, Diener, & Frank, 1996). While recent research has begun to assess changes in immigrants’ subjective well-being (Amit, 2009, Bartram, 2010, Bartram, 2011; Dion, Dion, & Banerjee, 2009; Houle and Schellenberg, 2010, Safi, 2010), the contribution of family living arrangements to immigrants’ life satisfaction (hereafter, satisfaction) has been mostly overlooked.
The family is undoubtedly central to the migration experience; family factors into the decision to migrate and influences how migrants adapt to the receiving society (Boyd, 1989, Levitt and Jaworsky, 2007, Mincer, 1978, Pessar, 1999, Portes and Rumbaut, 2006). Immigrants commonly move along with other family members or choose destinations where relatives and friends have already settled (Liu, 2013, Massey et al., 1993).1 Immigrants may turn to established family and friends for support, in finding housing or employment, and learning a new language. At the same time, arriving with dependents is associated with stress and everyday challenges (De Jong et al., 2002, Ying, 1996).
How do these family ties, and associated living arrangements, impact satisfaction in the destination and over time? Most previous research on immigration life satisfaction and living arrangements focuses on the elderly, missing a large portion of the immigrant population. At the same time, studies of the influence of family on life satisfaction focus primarily on union status, rather than extended family or living arrangements. Given the greater likelihood of immigrants to live in non-family households, it is likely that intimate partnerships extend beyond union status alone. The current paper bridges and expands these diverse bodies of research to better understand how immigrants’ satisfaction with life in their new country relates to living arrangements. Specifically, this paper addresses (1) how different living arrangements influence life satisfaction both initially upon arrival as well as four years later; (2) how they influence changes in life satisfaction; and (3) how changes in living arrangements influence changes in life satisfaction.
To answer these questions, I use data from the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada. I first estimate cross-sectional logistic regression models of the impact of living arrangements on life satisfaction at two different stages of the adaptation process: six months and four years after arrival. I then use fixed-effects logistic regression models to estimate the influence of coresidents on changes in satisfaction over time, accounting for personality and other time constant individual characteristics, and further compare these results to random-effects models.
Studying these processes in Canada is instructive. Canada has one of the highest immigration rates in the world; around one in every five people is foreign born (Statistics Canada, 2007a). The 1967 Immigration Act implemented a points system to select immigrants in terms of their skills, work experience and demographic characteristics.2 Immigrants are also admitted for humanitarian and family reunification considerations.3 Consequently, immigrants to Canada are from diverse countries of origin, and most are visible minorities.4 Life satisfaction and how immigrants assess their experience will impact emigration and settlement patterns, future immigration (De Jong and Gardner, 1981, Mara and Landesmann, 2013, Massey and Akresh, 2006), and ultimately, social cohesion and national identity (Frideres, 2008, Reitz, 2009). Immigration will be a key contributor to population growth and source of ethnic diversity in many countries all over the world. Within this context, understanding the determinants of immigrant satisfaction is of primary importance.
Section snippets
Satisfaction with life: family as a life domain
Life satisfaction, or self-reported happiness, is defined as the overall assessment of an individual’s quality of life according to their personal judgment and criteria (Diener, 1984, Easterlin, 2001). In common with many researchers, I use life satisfaction – or satisfaction – and subjective well-being interchangeably. Contemporary perspectives consider that satisfaction with life is not the result of personality or events alone, but rather an interaction between them (Suh et al., 1996). This
Data
I use the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC), a nationally representative survey of immigrants arriving in Canada between October 1, 2000 and September 30, 2001, who were interviewed at three stages upon arrival: about six months (wave 1), about two years (wave 2) and about four years (wave 3) after landing. However, given changes in the question capturing life satisfaction in the second interview, only waves 1 and 3 are used in this analysis. The LSIC is a comprehensive survey
Descriptive statistics
Table 1 provides weighted descriptive statistics on selected sample characteristics by immigrants’ coresidents, six months and four years upon arrival. Shortly after arrival, three out of four immigrants are living with a spouse, less than one in five live with at least one young child aged less than four years, one in four live with at least one child aged 5-17, one in every five lives with other relatives, and around one in twenty is living with non-kin. After four years, the distribution is
Discussion and conclusion
The main objective of this study was to understand how immigrants’ living arrangements influence life satisfaction in relation to the influence of other life domains while adapting to a new country in the first years of arrival.
How do different living arrangements influence life satisfaction initially upon arrival and four years later? Overall, results show that, except for living with young children shortly after arrival, living arrangements have a null influence on life satisfaction, taking
Limitations and future work
LSIC is the only currently available data source providing substantial longitudinal information on new immigrants in Canada and it provides a good baseline for estimating the relationship between living arrangements and satisfaction. However, the use of LSIC does come with limitations. A major shortcoming is that data provided do not include information on other coresidents or the household relationship matrix, which are necessary in order to establish the identity of the head of the household
Final remarks
Much has been debated about the trajectories and outcomes of the foreign born and their descendants, but scholars from across the spectrum agree that time plays a significant role (Alba and Nee, 2003, Gordon, 1964, Portes and Zhou, 1993, Waters and Jiménez, 2005). Although this literature has made enormous advances, it has overlooked how subjective processes, such as assessments of the migration experience and satisfaction with life in the destination country, may influence and interact with
Acknowledgements
This project received financial support from the Fonds Québécois de la recherche sur la societé et la culture, the Department of Sociology, the Faculty of Arts, and the Graduate and Postgraduate Studies Office at McGill University, the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada, and the Canada Research Chair in Social Statistics and Family Change. I am also thankful for the financial support provided by the Population Change and Lifecourse Strategic Knowledge Cluster, the Centre on Population
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