Advances in Behaviour Research and Therapy
What can hunger teach us about drug craving? A comparative analysis of the two constructs
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Cited by (53)
Craving and opioid use disorder: A scoping review
2019, Drug and Alcohol DependenceCitation Excerpt :The report resulting from that meeting acknowledged the importance of craving as it related to alcohol use, but ultimately recommended that the term ‘craving’ be eliminated from the scientific literature due to confusion arising from its various ‘everyday connotations’ (Supplementary Materials, Appendix A). Since that time there has been continued debate regarding the clinical utility of the concept of craving as it relates to substance use disorders (Kassel and Shiffman, 1992; Kozlowski and Wilkinson, 1987; Pickens and Johanson, 1992; Sayette et al., 2000; Tiffany and Wray, 2009, 2012). However, despite these challenges, drug craving remains a salient and important patient-reported experience as reflected by a survey at a recent public meeting hosted by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in collaboration with the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA) (see meeting slides located at Food and Drug Administration, 2018a).
Implications of Psychological Engineering: Commentary on De Houwer, Hughes, and Barnes-Holmes
2017, Journal of Applied Research in Memory and CognitionNeuroscience of drug craving for addiction medicine: From circuits to therapies
2016, Progress in Brain ResearchCitation Excerpt :Substance use disorder as a brain disease is characterized by persistent drug-seeking and drug-taking behaviors despite significant negative consequences in physical, emotional, social, and occupational aspects of the individual's life (Shariatirad et al., 2013; Volkow et al., 2011). Drug craving is considered by many researchers to be one of the main driving forces of drug-taking behaviors (Anton, 1999; Kassel and Shiffman, 1992; Robinson and Berridge, 1993). In spite of growing interest in craving which led to its consideration as one of the criteria for substance use disorders in DSM-5, there is a lack of consensuses about its definition (Sayette et al., 2000) and underlying causes (Drummond, 2001).
Cue-reactivity in experienced electronic cigarette users: Novel stimulus videos and a pilot fMRI study
2016, Brain Research BulletinCitation Excerpt :The study of craving has been a major theme in addiction research across drug types (Robinson and Berridge, 1993; Tiffany, 1990). In cigarette smoking more specifically, exposure to implicit and explicit cigarette cues produces neural, physiological, and cognitive responses that lead to increased desire to smoke (i.e., urges or craving) and subsequent smoking behavior (Abrams et al., 1988; Droungas et al., 1995; Due et al., 2002; Franklin et al., 2007; Janes et al., 2010; McBride et al., 2006; McClernon et al., 2005)–though craving and using do not always go hand-in-hand (Kassel and Shiffman, 1992; Shiffman, 2000; Tiffany, 1990). Given some of the unique characteristics of e-cigarette use compared to cigarette smoking noted above (e.g., more variable nicotine delivery, ability to use more frequently throughout the day, etc.), it is unclear to what extent craving, and more specifically cue-induced craving, play a role in e-cigarette use.
Smoking, food, and alcohol cues on subsequent behavior: A qualitative systematic review
2015, Clinical Psychology ReviewCitation Excerpt :Moreover, target acquisition (e.g. breaking down and buying that pack of cigarettes) may occur dynamically over the course of several hours, potentially started by exposure to cues, but produced by slowly draining self-control resources until the person lacks the strength to resist. Many addictive processes are similar across substance and behavioral domains (Kassel & Shiffman, 1992; Köpetz et al., 2013; Pelchat, 2009; Tang, Fellows, Small, & Dagher, 2012), suggesting potential utility in examining the effect of cues on behavior across multiple targets. In the current review, we chose to evaluate behavioral responses to smoking, alcohol and food cues due to the ubquitiousness of these behaviors in Western society; 18% of US adults smoke, 52% of US adults report regular alcohol consumption, and two-thirds of adults are overweight or obese (Schiller, Lucas, & Peregoy, 2012).
Ambivalence about smoking and cue-elicited neural activity in quitting-motivated smokers faced with an opportunity to smoke
2013, Addictive BehaviorsCitation Excerpt :The authors proposed that overweight women may have avoided the high-calorie images because of their ambivalence about eating such food, and that this avoidance appeared to be relatively non-effortful (e.g., automatically shifting their gaze from the food cues; see also Werthmann et al., 2011). Given the phenomenological and neurobiological similarities between cue-elicited craving for food and addictive substances (Kassel & Shiffman, 1992; Volkow & Wise, 2005), highly ambivalent smokers might exhibit a pattern of neural responses to cigarette cues that is similar to those observed in overweight individuals presented with food stimuli. That is, compared to those with low levels of smoking ambivalence, participants with elevated smoking ambivalence may exhibit dampened activation of reward-related brain regions during cue exposure insofar as they approach such stimuli in a guarded manner; at the same time, smoking ambivalence may be unrelated to activity in conflict- and control-related regions if the processes that result in attenuation of reward-related responses are largely automatic or non-demanding.