ReportsPromoting prospective self-control through abstraction☆
Introduction
People employ a number of strategies to bolster their self-control efforts (e.g., Ainslie, 1975, Hoch & Loewenstein, 1991, Rachlin, 2000, Thaler & Shefrin, 1981, Trope & Fishbach, 2000). Odysseus, on his mythic voyage home, for example, bound himself to his ship's mast so that he could safely pass the Isle of the Sirens without crashing ashore, seduced by their hypnotic voices. People need not be mythical heroes, however, to guard against their potential for self-control failures. For example, people save for seasonal gifts in “Christmas club accounts,” which pay no interest yet entail early withdrawal fees (e.g., Thaler & Shefrin, 1981). Such financially counternormative behavior deters people from withdrawing their savings for impulsive reasons. To protect future self-control, people also self-impose deadlines (Ariely & Wertenbroch, 2002), make rewards contingent on self-control success (Trope & Fishbach, 2000), and regulate the availability of temptations (Wertenbroch, 1998).
Prospective self-control is motivated, engaged to the extent that people anticipate future temptations will imperil valued goals (e.g., Trope & Fishbach, 2005). For example, people self-impose higher cancellation fees as punishment for missed health screenings only inasmuch as they value health and expect the screening procedures to be painful (Trope & Fishbach, 2000). How consciously aware people are of using such strategies is unclear. Even pigeons, presumably lacking conscious awareness, engage in prospective self-control (e.g., Rachlin, 2000), suggesting that these strategies may be adopted without conscious intent. What is apparent, however, is that such strategies are used to protect valued goals from future temptations.
Despite their effectiveness and widespread applicability, social psychologists have largely overlooked prospective self-control strategies as means of improving self-control. Instead, social psychological research has focused narrowly on the moment of immediate choice, examining only factors that influence whether people's self-control efforts fail when directly confronted with temptations (e.g., Baumeister & Heatherton, 1996, Metcalfe & Mischel, 1999, Mischel et al., 1989). For example, cognitive load increases in-the-moment preferences for chocolate cake over fruit salad, highlighting the role of effortful deliberation in self-control (Shiv & Fedorikhin, 1999; see also Hinson et al., 2003, Ward & Mann, 2000, Wiers & Stacy, 2006). Exerting self-control in one task also reduces immediate self-control in subsequent tasks, suggesting that self-control requires sufficient “energy” (e.g., Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). Affective states also impact self-control (e.g., Metcalfe & Mischel, 1999, Mischel et al., 1989). For instance, construing temptations (one marshmallow now, tempting two at delay) in an affective rather than cognitive manner (“the marshmallows look yummy” vs. “the marshmallows look like clouds”) reduces children's success at delay of gratification (e.g., Mischel & Baker, 1975). Moreover, negative moods are more likely to prompt self-control failures than positive moods (e.g., Tice et al., 2001, Trope & Neter, 1994).
Given the fallibility of self-control during the moment of choice (e.g., its susceptibility to cognitive load, energy depletion, and emotion; Baumeister & Heatherton, 1996, Loewenstein, 1996, Wegner, 1994), it is surprising that prospective self-control has not received more attention in social psychology. When people can anticipate future temptations, they can promote self-control by engaging in any number of prospective self-control strategies to reduce or even obviate the need for self-control in the moment. What is not well understood, however, is when people are likely to capitalize on such strategies. The present paper proposes that how people mentally represent, or construe, a situation impacts whether people engage in prospective self-control. Specifically, we hypothesize that more abstract, higher-level construals promote adoption of prospective self-control strategies.
Section snippets
Construal level theory
Judgments and decisions reflect people's subjective construals of events rather than those events' objective features (e.g., Bruner, 1957, Fiske & Taylor, 2008, Griffin & Ross, 1991). Construal level theory (e.g., Liberman et al., 2007, Trope & Liberman, 2003) proposes that construals change as a function of psychological distance. Specific information about events that are remote in time, space, likelihood, or social distance tends to be unavailable or unreliable. People instead rely on more
Construal levels and self-control
Because people increasingly interpret events in reference to their global goals and values at higher-level construals (e.g., Liberman et al., 2007), Fujita and colleagues (2006) hypothesized that higher-level construals should promote self-control. Indeed, people induced to construe at higher levels were more willing to forgo smaller immediate rewards to receive larger delayed ones (Fujita, Trope, Liberman, & Levin-Sagi, 2006). Similarly, higher-level construals led dieters to prefer apples
Present research
We argue that construal levels affect people's prospective self-control efforts. That is, construal levels may influence not only decisions when immediately confronting temptations, but also decisions that bolster the likelihood of resisting future temptations. Because high-level representations place greater weight on valued goals, people construing events in higher-level (and thus, more goal-relevant) terms may act to help themselves resist expected temptations to those salient goals.
Overview
Paraphrasing William James (1890), drunkards will find reasons to indulge in drink on any given day (e.g., “Today was a tough day,” “I'm in a really bad mood”) and will not stop unless they recognize that their individual choices form a general pattern that renders them a “drunkard.” Choice bracketing is a means to achieve this same recognition while choosing in advance, and to protect against future self-control failures. Consider a dieter's daily dilemma of choosing between an apple and a
Study 2: Self-imposed punishment
People self-impose punishments on impulsive actions to motivate greater adherence to successful goal pursuit (Ainslie, 1975, Trope & Fishbach, 2000, Thaler & Shefrin, 1981, Wertenbroch, 1998). If high-level construals promote prospective self-control, then they should promote the use of self-imposed punishment. As in study 1, however, the motivated nature of prospective self-control suggests this effect of construal levels should be specific to situations when people's valued goals are
General discussion
Together, studies 1 and 2 indicate that higher-level construals enhance prospective self-control. Across two construal level manipulations and two different strategies, higher-level construals promoted prospective efforts to protect valued goals from being undermined by temptations. Moreover, these studies demonstrated that higher-level construals promoted prospective efforts only inasmuch as they addressed meaningful self-control conflicts; actions protecting unimportant goals were unaffected
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2018, Journal of Experimental Social PsychologyCitation Excerpt :It is also possible to manipulate mindset without introducing psychological distance (Burgoon et al., 2013). In several studies, abstract mindset was induced by asking about commonalities (versus similarities) between objects (e.g., Fujita & Roberts, 2010), higher-order categories that include the target object (versus lower-level examples of it; e.g., Fujita, Trope, Liberman, & Levin-Sagi, 2006), and why an action would be performed (versus how that action is performed; e.g., Freitas, Gollwitzer, & Trope, 2004). Such manipulation techniques, similarly to psychological distance, bolster an abstract mindset which emphasizes core values, as opposed to context-specific judgments which are characteristics of a concrete mindset (Burgoon et al., 2013).