Abstract
This paper addresses the issue of how the scientific discourse of genetics is expressed in local idioms. The examples used are taken from fieldwork conducted in Sri Lanka and relate principally to Sinhala Buddhist attempts to socialise `big science.' The paper explores idioms of both nature and nurture in local imagery and narratives and draws attention to the rhetorical dimensions of genetic discourses when used in context. The article concludes with a preliminary attempt to identify the ways in which explanations of genetic causality are aligned with notions of karma in the explanation of illness and misfortune.
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Notes
A very important project in this regard is the European Commission funded Public Understanding of Genetics initiative which uses a variety of anthropological approaches to explore the way genetics is being incorporated into aspects of family, race, gender, sexuality and nationality in seven European countries. See http://les1.man.ac.uk/sa/pug/about.htm.
The Island has a population of approximately 19 million the majority of whom are Sinhalese and Buddhist and there are significant Catholic, Hindu and Moslem minorities who are mostly of Tamil origin. As an economically developing country, Sri Lanka has experienced the pains of transition from a long period of colonisation (Portuguese, Dutch and British) to independence in 1948 and more recently the trauma of civil strife in both the north and south of the Island.
The research was funded as part of a Wellcome Trust Fellowship under the Medicine in Society Programme (Biomedical Ethics GR067110AIA) enabling me to carry out four and a half months of fieldwork in Sri Lanka during 2002–03. A one month pilot field trip in summer 2000 was funded by the Nuffield Foundation (Social Sciences Small Grants Scheme).
There is a strong tradition of scientific rationalism within Buddhism in Sri Lanka. This movement is rooted in 19th century reform movements and notably around Anagarika Dharmapala [13]. The alignment of science and religion is evident in the tendency to collapse modernity, science and Buddhism. As for example in the following: ‘the whole procedure that Buddhists employ, are in conformity with and in the spirit of science. Hence no quarrel could ever arise with people who accept scientific principles or make scientific discoveries. The Buddha and Buddhists welcome each scientific discovery, each new application of scientific principles, for these could never be contrary to the principles that they themselves employ [19, p. 4].
Among Buddhists in Sri Lanka, the Jātaka are popular, much loved and ubiquitous; they are found in school classrooms and children’s comics; they are discussed in late night chat-shows on TV in relation to moral crises of the day. The eminent Sri Lankan psychiatrist, D.V.J. Harischandra has written of the insights that they offer into ‘modern’ psychological problems: sexual abuse, depression and incest, to name but a few [14]. In my own work, one of the Jātaka features prominently in an analysis of contemporary organ donation practices in Sri Lanka [26].
The problem of theodicy was put into general circulation by Leibniz in the seventh century and later analysed by Weber in his account of religion and the problem of suffering [see discussion in 23].
For an article expressing concerns about ‘mushrooming medical tests’ in Sri Lanka see the article by Ajith C. Perera see www.srilankahr.net
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