Abstract
Since 2014, hundred thousands of migrants from the Middle East have arrived at the Hungarian–Serbian and Hungarian–Croatian borders. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam, the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders, played in the competitive communication of the national-radical Jobbik party and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-KDNP which typically emphasize their Christian character. Furthermore, this essay follows up the elements of political campaign related to the international migration, Islam and the referendum on relocation quota between the end of 2014 and November 2016.
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- 1.
In this paper, bordering (re- and debordering) is used to refer to efforts aiming to change the significance of borders, which are not exclusively performed by those in power and do not officially exclusively mean official policies. Recently, the concept of “bordering” has gained a wider meaning; the creation of borders based on territorial social characteristics has become its most important aspect, in which the media, economy, (official and unofficial) ideologies, different identities, typical sets of values and individual decisions have also been included. However in Central Europe, elites in power remain the most important actors in ‘bordering’.
- 2.
Pursuant to Section 3 of Act XLV of 2010: “all members and communities of the Hungarian nation, subjected to the jurisdiction of other states, belong to the single Hungarian nation whose cross-border cohesion is a reality and, at the same time, a defining element of the personal and collective identity of Hungarians.”
- 3.
One of the leading politicians of a significant opposition party said about the border barrier: I don’t like it, but I cannot propose a better solution.
- 4.
The West carries development, innovation; this is the direction we intend to hard towards. At the same time, the East is backwardness which we look down on. To the north (e.g. the Visegrad Four), we see partners who we often compete with.
- 5.
Although we have to note that several civil organizations, some politicians, minor parties and a significant number of individuals expressed their different opinions, some by speeches, some by guerilla actions against anti-migrant billboards and some by direct help to migrants/refugees, their narratives were overwhelmed by the official discourse of the government.
- 6.
Based on a 2010 survey, their largest group speaks an Arabic dialect, more than 10% of them is student at a university and there are approximately 2500 Hungarians who converted to Islam, e.g. by marriage.
- 7.
The one with the longest history is the Iszlám Diákok Egyesülete (Association of Islamic Students), founded in 1987 mostly by persons connected with the MME. The Dialógus Platform Egyesület (Dialogue Platform Association), which is related to the Gülenist movement, was established in 2005 and has Hungarian and Turkish members. The Magyarországi Iszlám Kulturális Egyesület (Hungarian Islamic Cultural Association) was founded in 2008 by Turkish and Hungarian private individuals. The Aluakf Alapítvány (Aluakf Foundation) operates in Miskolc and maintains a prayer house there as well.
- 8.
On 21 July 2008 in Galgagyörk, on 8 August in Piricse, on 5 September in Nyíradony, on 29 September in Tarnabod, on 3 November in Nagycsécs, on 15 December in Alsózsolca, then on 23 February 2009 on Tatárszentgyörgy, on 22 April in Tiszalök, and on 3 August in Kisléta, weapons and firebombs were used to attack and kill Roma people due to racist causes.
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Pap, N., Glied, V., Reményi, P. (2019). Two Faces of the Migration Crisis in Hungary. In: Paradiso, M. (eds) Mediterranean Mobilities. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89632-8_5
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