Labour Strategies and the Left in Power: Moderation, Division, and Renewed Militancy from Lula to Dilma

Riethof, Marieke

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-60309-4_6

Marieke Riethof³

Part of the book series: Studies of the Americas ((STAM))

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Abstract

While Brazilian unions had struggled with the effect of economic crisis and ever-tightening macroeconomic reforms during the 1990s, the presidential election campaigns in 2002 provided unionists with new prospects for political change. However, after Lula’s breakthrough election victory, the PT’s emphasis on radical social transformation during the 1980s made way for a more pragmatic agenda, including the maintenance of the previous government’s economic policies, supported by a new programme of social policies aimed at poverty reduction. In this new political environment, significant sections of the trade union movement benefitted from increased access to political influence as unions moved closer to the government agenda and several senior trade unionists took up ministerial posts, thereby absorbing the party’s electoral and governmental logic. Yet the new union-party relations with the PT in power proved controversial as new unionism’s close ties with the party sparked significant conflicts in terms of pursuing either radical or gradualist strategies. By examining these conflicts during the PT-led governments (2003–2016), this chapter moves away from the emphasis on political moderation evident in much of the literature. Instead, the argument proposed here is that while the drive towards moderation was strong during this period, disagreements about political agendas and strategies as well as changing economic conjunctures sparked not only divisions but also a new wave of labour militancy from 2009 onwards.

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Notes

1.
The argument that the CUT’s most recent political crisis was partly caused by its close relationship with the PT in government is shared by many Brazilian labour scholars. See, for example, Adalberto Moreira Cardoso, “Dimensões da crise do sindicalismo brasileiro,” Cadernos CRH 28(75) (2015), 502–3; Ruy Braga, “Brazilian Labour Relations in Lula’s Era: Telemarketing Operators and their Unions,” in Labour in the Global South: Challenges and Alternatives for Workers, ed. Sarah Mosoetsa and Michelle Williams (Geneva: International Labour Organization, 2012), 116; Armando Boito Jr. and Paula Marcelino, “O sindicalismo deixou a crise para trás? Um novo ciclo de greves na década de 2000,” Caderno CRH 23(59) (2010), 336. On the impact of civil society participation on moderation more generally in Brazil, see Evelina Dagnino and Ana C. Chaves Teixeira, “The Participation of Civil Society in Lula’s Government,” Journal of Politics in Latin America 6(3) (2014), 39–66; Hernan B. Gómez, Lula, the Workers’ Party and the Governability Dilemma in Brazil (New York: Routledge, 2013).
2.
Francisco de Oliveira, “O momento Lênin,” Novos Estudos CEBRAP 75 (2006), 34–5; Ruy Braga, A política do precariado: Do populismo à hegemonia lulista (São Paulo: Editorial Boitempo, 2012), loc. 2591; Alvaro Bianchi and Ruy Braga, “Brazil: The Lula Government and Financial Globalization,” Social Forces 83(4) (2005), 1760–61.
3.
Edmund Amann and Werner Baer, “The Macroeconomic Record of the Lula Administration, the Roots of Brazil’s Inequality, and the Attempts to Overcome Them,” in Brazil under Lula: Economy, Politics, and Society under the Worker-President, ed. Joseph L. Love and Werner Baer (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 34–5.
4.
International Labour Organization, 2014 Labour Overview: Latin America and the Caribbean (Lima: ILO/Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2014), 65.
5.
Wendy Hunter, “The Partido dos Trabalhadores: Still a Party of the Left?” in Democratic Brazil Revisited, edited by Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 17.
6.
Nora Lustig, Luis F. Lopez-Calva and Eduardo Ortiz-Juarez, “Declining Inequality in Latin America in the 2000s: The Cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico,” World Development 44 (2013), 135.
7.
Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power, “Rewarding Lula: Executive Power, Social Policy, and the Brazilian Elections of 2006,” Latin American Politics and Society 49(1) (2007), 15-16.
8.
Lustig et al., “Declining Inequality,” 135–6.
9.
Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power, “Introduction,” in Democratic Brazil Revisited, ed. Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 4.
10.
Peter Flynn, “Brazil and Lula, 2005: Crisis, Corruption and Change in Political Perspective,” Third World Quarterly 26(8) (2005), 1223.
11.
John D. French and Alexandre Fortes, “Another World is Possible: The Rise of the Brazilian Workers’ Party and the Prospects for Lula’s Government,” Labor 2(3) (2005), 11-12.
12.
Wendy Hunter, The Transformation of the Workers’ Party in Brazil, 1989-2009 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 8.
13.
David Samuels, “From Socialism to Social Democracy: Party Organization and the Transformation of the Workers’ Party in Brazil,” Comparative Political Studies 37 (9) (2004), 1014. See also William R. Nylen, “The Making of a Loyal Opposition: The Workers’ Party (PT) and the Consolidation of Democracy in Brazil,” in Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes, ed. Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000) and Hunter, Transformation of the Workers’ Party, chapter 4.
14.
Hunter, “Partido dos Trabalhadores,” 23–4.
15.
Hunter, “Partido dos Trabalhadores,” 24.
16.
Gómez, Lula, the Workers’ Party, loc. 587.
17.
Lecio Morais and Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Snatching Defeat from the Jaws of Victory: Lula, the ‘Losers’ Alliance, and the Prospects for Change in Brazil,” Capital & Class 81 (2003): 22; Hunter, “The Partido dos Trabalhadores,” 31.
18.
Aline Diniz Amaral, Peter R. Kingstone, and J. Krieckhaus, “The Limits of Economic Reform in Brazil,” in Democratic Brazil Revisited, ed. Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 159.
19.
Hunter, Transformation of the Workers’ Party, 169.
20.
André Singer, “Raízes sociais e ideológicas do lulismo,” Novos Estudos CEBRAP 85 (2009), 84; André Singer, Os sentidos do lulismo: Reforma gradual e pacto conservador. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2012.
21.
Hunter and Power, “Rewarding Lula,” 23.
22.
Cesar Zucco, “The President’s ‘New’ Constituency: Lula and the Pragmatic Vote in Brazil’s 2006 Presidential Elections,” Journal of Latin American Studies 40 (2008), 29-31.
23.
Luiz Filgueiras, Bruno Pinheiro, Celeste Philigret and Paulo Balanco, “Modelo liberal-periférico e bloco de poder: Política e dinâmica macroeconômica nos governos Lula,” in Os anos Lula: Contribuições para um balanço crítico 2003–2010, ed. João Paulo de Almeida Magalhães et al. (Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2010), 36.
24.
See for example, Ricardo Antunes, “A engenheria da cooptação e os sindicatos,” Revista Pegada 12(1) (2011), 57–8; Hunter, “Partido dos Trabalhadores,” 28–30.
25.
Salvador Sandoval, “Working-Class Contention,” in Reforming Brazil, ed. Mauricio Font and Anthony P. Spanakos (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008); Juan Pablo Ferrero, Democracy against Neoliberalism in Argentina and Brazil: A Move to the Left (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014); and for the wider Latin American context in this period, see Eduardo Silva, Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
26.
DIEESE, Anuário dos Trabalhadores 2005 (São Paulo: DIEESE, 2005), 116.
27.
Kathryn Hochstetler, “Organized Civil Society in Lula’s Brazil,” in Democratic Brazil Revisited, edited by Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power. (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008), 41.
28.
Luiz Marinho , “Os trabalhadores e a pauta do crescimento,” Folha de São Paulo, September 26, 2003.
29.
Agência Brasil, “Manifestantes da CUT pedem mudanças na política econômica,” Brasília: Agência Brasil, 2004.
30.
In 2003, the CUT noted that because economic policy had not changed substantially since Lula’s election, state resources had to be devoted to an active industrial policy to promote economic growth. See Executiva Nacional da CUT, “Comentários sobre as ‘Diretrizes de pólitica industrial, tecnológica e de comércio exterior (do Governo Lula)” (São Paulo: CUT, December 2003), 6–7.
31.
The focus on political participation was not exclusive to the union movement. As Avritzer points out, this focus had its roots in Brazilian civil society’s shift towards “the establishment of a broad form of public participation in most areas of public policy” since the mid-1990s. Leonardo Avritzer, “Civil Society in Brazil: From State Autonomy to Political Interdependency,” in Beyond Civil Society: Activism, Participation, and Protest in Latin America, ed. Sonia Alvarez and others (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017), 57.
32.
Ana C. Teixeira, “Até onde vai a participação cidadã?” Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil February 2008; for an overview of national-level participatory councils, see Secretaria Nacional da Articulação Social, Conselhos Nacionais (Brasília: Secretaria-Geral da Presidência da República, 2010); for a critical discussion of the participatory initiatives, Claúdia F. Faria, “Estado e organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil contemporâneo: Construindo uma sinergia positiva?” Revista de Sociologia e Política 18(36) (2010), 187-204.
33.
Instituto Brasileira de Análises Sociais e Econômicas (Brazilian Institute for Social and Economic Analyses).
34.
IBASE , “A experiência de Projeto Mapas do monitoramento político de iniciativas de participação do governo Lula,” in Projeto Mapas: Relatório do projeto, ed. IBASE (Rio de Janeiro: IBASE, 2005), 3.
35.
IBASE, “Experiência de Projeto Mapas,” 32.
36.
To expand civil society and business influence and link monetary policy to economic growth, the CUT together with the business associations Confederação Nacional de Indústrias (CNI) and FIESP unsuccessfully proposed civil society representation in the Conselho Monetário Nacional (CMN) in 2005. See CUT, Conselho Monetário Nacional: Proposta da CUT para a ampliação e democratização do CMN (São Paulo: CUT, 2005).
37.
Leonardo Avritzer, “Living Under a Democracy : Participation and its Impacts on the Living Conditions of the Poor,” Latin American Research Review 45 (2010), 173.
38.
Brian Wampler, Participatory Budgeting in Brazil: Contestation, Cooperation, and Accountability (University Park, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 24, 256.
39.
Hochstetler, “Organized Civil Society,” 42.
40.
Mahrukh Doctor, “Lula’s Development Council: Neo-Corporatism and Policy Reform in Brazil,” Latin American Perspectives 34(6) (2007), 138–9.
41.
Lúcio Kowarick, “O Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social: Um processo em construção,” 2003, http://www.cdes.gov.br/documento/300654/o-conselho-de-desenvolvimento-economico-e-social-um-processo-em-construcao-html, 15.
42.
Sérgio Baierle, “Lula’s Swamp,” Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 11(2) (2005), 113. See also Filgueiras, et al., “Modelo liberal-periférico,” 37–9.
43.
Sonia Fleury , “O Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social do governo Lula,” 2006, available from http://app.ebape.fgv.br/comum/arq/ACFBA0.pdf, accessed September 26, 2016.
44.
Hochstetler, “Organized Civil Society,” 42.
45.
Hochstetler, “Organized Civil Society,” 44–5; Ferrero, Democracy against Neoliberalism, 118–24.
46.
There are indications that the government attempted to exploit the differences between public- and private sector unions by distributing information in Congress about the disparities between public- and private sector pensions, see Vilson A. Romero, “Os ‘vilões’ da reforma,” Boletim DIAP, March 17, 2003, http://www.diap.org.br/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5850:os-viloes-da-reforma&catid=46:artigos&Itemid=207, accessed Sept. 28, 2016.
47.
Flynn, “Brazil and Lula,” 1229–30.
48.
Vilson A. Romero, “Previdência: Lula =(FHC)3,” Boletim DIAP, May 8, 2003, http://www.diap.org.br/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5828:previdencia-lula-fhc-3&catid=46:artigos&Itemid=207, accessed Sept. 28, 2016.
49.
Andréia Galvão, “A reconfiguração do movimento sindical no governo Lula,” Revista Outubre 18 (2009), 182.
50.
For details of the CUT’s proposals for social security reform, see CUT, “Propostas da CUT para previdência social pública: Diretrizes e ações da CUT para atuação junto aos conselhos de previdência social” (São Paulo: CUT, 2003).
51.
Sindicato dos Metálurgicos do ABC, “Pressão no governo e no congresso,” June 10, 2003, http://www.smabc.org.br/smabc/materia.asp?id_CON=1703&id_SEC=12&busca=correntes, accessed Sept. 28, 2016.
52.
DIEESE, Política de valorização do Salário Mínimo: Salário Mínimo de 2015 fixado em R$788,00, Nota Técnica no. 143 (January 2015), 3.
53.
Javier Martínez-Lara, Building Democracy in Brazil: The Politics of Constitutional Change, 1985–95 (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin’s Press , 1996), 77.
54.
Hunter and Power, “Rewarding Lula,” 130.
55.
CUT, A agenda dos trabalhadores: Projetos e temas da CUT para o diálogo com os poderes executivo, legislativo e judiciário (Brasília: CUT, 2005); Rodrigues et al. argue that very little of this agenda resonated with the government, except the minimum wage proposals, see Iram J. Rodrigues, José Ricardo Ramalho and Jefferson J. da Conceição, “Relações de trabalho e sindicato no primeiro governo Lula (2003-2006),” Ciência e Cultura 60(4) (2008), 55.
56.
DIEESE, Política de valorização do Salário Mínimo: Salário Mínimo de 2015 fixado em R$788,00, Nota Técnica 143 (January 2015), 2.
57.
Similarly, the land reform marches became a routine feature of rural social movements under the PT-led administrations, leading to negotiation with and support from the government for rural issues. As in the case of the union movement, dissatisfaction with a lack of progress with land reform in particular led to conflicts between grassroots activists and national organizations. See Rebecca Abers, Lizandra Serafim and Luciana Tatagiba, “Changing Repertoires of State-Society Interaction under Lula,” in Brazil under the Workers’ Party: Continuity and Change from Lula to Dilma, ed. Fábio de Castro, Kees Koonings and Marianne Wiesebron (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).
58.
Galvão, “A reconfiguração,” 184–5.
59.
Sindicato dos Bancários de São Paulo, “Mais de 20 mil nas ruas em Brasília,” 2005, http://www1.spbancarios.com.br/noticia.asp?=589, accessed 18 May 2015. Because minimum wage levels were linked to welfare payments, the increases did affect government spending on social security and public sector pensions.
60.
Sindicato dos Bancários de São Paulo, “Mais de 20 mil”.
61.
Sindicato dos Bancários de São Paulo , “Cerca de 20 mil participam da 3a marcha,” December 12, 2006, http://www1.spbancarios.com/br/noticia.asp?c=3998, accessed Nov. 18, 2015.
62.
DIEESE, A situação do trabalho no Brasil na primeira década dos anos 2000 (São Paulo: DIEESE, 2012), 103.
63.
DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2013.” Estudos e Pesquisas 79, December 2015, 42.
64.
Eduardo G. Noronha, “Ciclo de greves, transição política e estabilização, 1978-2007,” Lua Nova 76 (2009), 129–31; DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2013,” 43; DIEESE. “O movimento grevista em 2004,” Estudos e Pesquisas 12 (October 2005), 35.
65.
Noronha, “Ciclo de greves,” 137–8.
66.
Associação Nacional dos Funciónarios do Banco do Brasil (ANABB), “Movimento une categoria, mas divide lideranças,” Jornal Ação 172 (2004). A similar situation occurred in the context of Lula’s re-election campaign in 2006, when the CNB attempted to suppress a bankworkers’ strike, using the argument that the CNB attempted to avoid instability, Galvão, “Reconfiguração do movimento sindical,” 183.
67.
DIEESE, “As greves em 2005,” Estudos e Pesquisas 20 (May 2006), 8–9; DIEESE, “Balanço das greves no primeiro semestre de 2006,” Estudos e Pesquisas 27 (November 2006).
68.
See Hunter, Transformation of the Workers’ Party, 167–72 for a discussion on how the scandal affected Lula’s re-election campaign.
69.
Hochstetler, “Organized Civil Society,” 50.
70.
Armando Boito Jr., “Class Relations in Brazil’s New Neoliberal Phase,” Latin American Perspectives 36(5) (2007), 125.
71.
Carlos E. Freitas, “Alterações na regulamentação das relações de trabalho no governo Fernando Henrique,” in Precarização e leis do trabalho nos anos FHC (São Paulo: CUT/ Secretaria da Política Sindical, 2001): 11–2;
72.
Heloísa de Souza Martins and Iram J. Rodrigues, “O sindicalismo brasileiro na segunda metade dos anos 90,” Tempo Social 11(2) (1999), 176; Michael M. Hall, “The Labor Policies of the Lula Government,” in Brazil under Lula: Economy, Politics, and Society under the Worker-President, ed. Joseph L. Love and Werner Baer (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 155.
73.
Mônica Valente, “Sindicato orgânico e projecto sindical,” in Sindicato Orgânico, Seminários Preparatórios para o 6°^, Congresso da CUT (São Paulo: Escola Sindical São Paulo/Secretaria Estadual de Formação, 1997): 12; Kjeld A. Jakobsen, “Modelo sindical e transformações internacionais,” in Sindicato Orgânico, Seminários Preparatórios para o 6° Congresso da CUT (São Paulo: Escola Sindical São Paulo/Secretaria Estadual de Formação, 1997): 6.
74.
The CUT’s Arthur Henrique , later elected president, echoed the Lula government’s preference for staging the reforms in 2003, see Agência Brasil, “Para dirigente da CUT, reforma sindical deve preceder reforma trabalhista,” August 12, 2003, http://memoria.ebc.com.br/agenciabrasil/noticia/2003-08-12/para-dirigente-da-cut-reforma-sindical-deve-preceder-reforma-trabalhista, accessed Sept. 28, 2016; Hall, “Labor Policies ,” 157. Galvão argues that the flexibilization of labour relations introduced in the 1990s continued despite Lula’s comments about the phasing of labour reforms to allow unions to negotiate from a position of strength, Galvão, “Reconfiguração do movimento sindical,” 192.
75.
Gelsom de Almeida, “O governo Lula, o Fórum Nacional do Trabalho e a reforma sindical,” Revista Katálysis 10(1) (2007), 57.
76.
Flávio Tonelli and Antônio A. Queiroz, “Trabalho e sindicalismo no governo Lula,” in Os Anos Lula: Contribuições para um balanço crítico 2003–2010, ed. João Paulo Almeida de Magalhães et al. (Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2010), 343–4; Almeida , “O governo Lula,” 58–9.
77.
Almeida, “O governo Lula,” 57–8. Critics also suspected that the government was not just a neutral party in the negotiations, fearing that the Ministry of Labour would impose its agenda on the FNT, see ANABB, “Centrais sindicais criticam declarações de Lula sobre CLT,” Feb. 13, 2004, http://www.anabb.org.br/mostraPagina.asp?codServico=4&codPagina=4423, accessed July 23, 2015.
78.
Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC (SMABC) , “O verdadeiro sindicato,” May 28, 2003, http://www.smabc.org.br/smabc/materia.asp?id_CON=493&id_SEC=12&busca=reforma+sindical, accessed July 23, 2015.
79.
SMABC , “Reforma sindical: Para completar a democrática,” June 4, 2003, http://www.smabc.org.br/smabc/materia.asp?id_CON=1677&id_SEC=12&busca=reforma+sindical, accessed July 23, 2015; Folha de São Paulo, “Reforma sindical democratizará sindicatos, diz Berzoini,” Folha de São Paulo, May 5, 2005.
80.
Câmara dos Deputados, “Trabalho quer votar projeto alternativo à reforma sindical,” April 13, 2005, http://www2.camara.leg.br/camaranoticias/noticias/64483.html, accessed Sept. 28, 2016; ANABB, “Protesto contra reforma”.
81.
Agência Brasil, “Termina sem consenso a primeira rodada de negociações da reforma sindical,” Jan. 23, 2004.
82.
Hall, “Labor Policies,” 159–60.
83.
Wagner Gomes, “Avançar na luta é ampliar ainda mais as conquistas,” Jornal Plataforma 473 (June 2, 2005); see various texts representing criticism of the CUT’s position in CUT, 11a Plenária Nacional: Trabalho, salário, emprego e Desenvolvimento, Caderno de textos para debates (São Paulo: CUT, 2005), 57–108; Agência Brasil, “CUT define ‘recuo tático’ para aprovação da reforma sindical,” May 13, 2005.
84.
Rosana da Silva, “Debate reforma sindical: Mobilização social é indispensável,” Teoria e Debate 63 (July 2015).
85.
Marcel Gomes, “Pela união, CUT aceita ‘amenizar’ fim da unicidade,” Carta Maior May 12, 2005; Verena Glass, “Marinho espeta esquerda da CUT e apóia reeleição de Lula,” Carta Maior May 11, 2005.
86.
Diego Cruz, “Plenária nacional da CUT ratifica apoio à reforma sindical,” Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificados, May 12, 2005, http://www.pstu.org.br/node/10766, accessed July 23, 2015.
87.
CUT, 9o CONCUT—Trabalho e democracia: Emprego, renda e direitos para todos os trabalhadores e trabalhadoras, caderno de textos (São Paulo: CUT, 2006), 61.
88.
Gilson Reis, “A CUT diante um future incerto,” Portal Vermelho, June 16, 2006, http://www.vermelho.org.br/coluna.php?id_coluna_texto=190&id_coluna=22, accessed July 17. 2015; Gómez, Lula, the Workers’ Party, loc. 3602. Oliveira, “Lula in the Labyrinth,” 13.
89.
Galvão, “Reconfiguração do movimento sindical,” 191.
90.
Other new national organizations emerged to represent the official unionism and support for corporatist labour relations, see Patrícia Vieira Trópia, Paula R. Pereira Marcelino and Andréia Galvão, “As bases sociais da União Geral dos Trabalhadores,” Revista da ABET 12(1) (2013), 142–3; Reiner Radermacher and Waldeli Melleiro, “Mudanças no cenário sindical brasileiro sob o governo de Lula,” Nueva Sociedad 211 (2007), 4.
91.
Interview with Geraldo, teachers’ union APEOESP and international secretary of Conlutas, São Paulo, June 5, 2009; observations and informal conversations at CTB , São Paulo, June 18, 2009. On the socio-economic background and political profile of Conlutas members, see Patrícia Vieira Trópia, Andréia Galvão and Paula R. Pereira Marcelino, “A reconfiguração do sindicalismo brasileiro nos anos 2000: As bases sociais e o perfil politico-ideológico da Conlutas,” Opinião Pública 19(1) (2013), 81–117.
92.
From 2008 onwards, the Ministry of Labour began to register union affiliations to central union organizations to allocate financial resources. Their figures show that the CUT continued to be by far the largest national organization, followed by Força Sindical , but both began to lose ground to competing organizations from 2011 onwards, see Departamento Intersindical de Assessoria Parlamentar (DIAP), “Centrais sindicais: Índice de representatividade,” 2016, http://www.diap.org.br/index.php/component/content/article?id=17053, accessed September 25, 2016.
93.
Ricardo Antunes and Marco A. Santana, “The Dilemmas of the New Unionism in Brazil: Breaks and Continuities,” Latin American Perspectives 41(5) (2014), 19. See also Galvão, “Reconfiguração do movimento sindical,” 188; Alexandre Ferraz, “Novos rumos do sindicalismo no Brasil.” Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais 29 (86) (2014), 109–123; Altamiro Borges, “10 razões contra reforma sindical,” DIAP, March 2, 2005, http://www.diap.org.br/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5689:10-razoes-contra-reforma-sindical&catid=46:artigos&Itemid=207, accessed July 30, 2015.
94.
DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2008,” Estudos e Pesquisas 45 (July 2009); DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2007,” Estudos e Pesquisas 41 (2008), 2, 6–7; DIEESE, “Balanço das greves no primeiro semestre de 2006”; DIEESE , “As greves em 2005,” 9.
95.
Matthew S. Winters and Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro, “Partisan Protesters and Nonpartisan Protests in Brazil,” Journal of Politics in Latin America 6(1) (2014), 137–50.
96.
Alfredo Saad-Filho and Armando Boito, “Brazil: The Failure of the PT and the Rise of the ‘New Right’,” Socialist Register (2016), 222–3.
97.
Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Mass Protests under Left Neo-Liberalism: Brazil, June-July 2013,” Critical Sociology 39(5) (2013), 660.
98.
Marcelo B. Mattos, “Greves no Brasil: O despertar de um novo ciclo de lutas?” June 10, 2014, http://www.ihu.unisinos.br/noticias/532181-greves-no-brasil-o-despertar-de-um-novo-ciclo-de-lutas, accessed September 26, 2016; Marcelo B. Mattos , “New and Old Forms of Social Movements: A Discussion from Brazil,” Critique 43(3–4) (2015), 490.
99.
Luciana Tatagiba, “1984, 1992 e 2013: Sobre ciclos de protestos e democracia no Brasil,” Política & Sociedade 13(28) (2014), 40–8.
100.
Datafolha, “Manifestação Avenida Paulista: 18/03/2016” (São Paulo: Datafolha, 2016), 6.
101.
Hanrrikson de Andrade and Julia Affonso, “Militantes da CUT são agredidos e expulsos de protesto no Rio de Janeiro,” UOL Notícias, June 20, 2013; Gianpaolo Baiocchi and Ana Teixeira, “Brazil: Back to the Streets?” in Beyond Civil Society: Activism, Participation, and Protest in Latin America, ed. Sonia Alvarez and others (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017), 287.
102.
José D. Krein and Hugo Dias, “Os caminhos de sindicalismo nos anos 2000,” Revista de Ciências do Trabalho, 8 (2017), 13.
103.
José Schutz, “O movimento sindical de volta ao cenário politico,” Desafios do Desenvolvimento 9(73) (2012).
104.
Esquerda Marxista, “A responsabilidade da direção do PT e da CUT pela atual situação,” March 17, 2015, http://www.marxismo.org.br/content/responsabilidade-da-direcao-do-pt-e-da-cut-pela-atual-situacao, accessed March 22, 2016; In an example of the enduring legacy of the CUT’s militant past, the document also argued that the strike wave at the end of the 1970s and early 1980s was an example of what protests could achieve.
105.
Mattos notes that the connection between the growing labour militancy among precarious workers and the participation of the “precariat” in the 2013 demonstrations alongside middle-class demonstrators. He thereby rejects the distinction drawn between the protestors and precarious workers on strike, arguing that they are manifestations of the same political conjuncture. Mattos, “New and Old Forms of Social Movements,” 494–5.
106.
DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2009 e 2010,” Estudos e Pesquisas 60 (April 2012), 22–3.
107.
Marieke Riethof, “The International Human Rights Discourse as a Strategic Focus in Socio-environmental Conflicts: The Case of Hydro-electric Dams in Brazil,” International Journal of Human Rights 21(4) (2017).
108.
DIEESE, Copa do Mundo 2014: Algumas considerações sobre a realização do evento no Brasil, Nota Técnica 110, May 2012, 9; DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2012,” Estudos e Pesquisas 66, May 2012, 6–7.
109.
DIEESE, “Balanço das greves em 2012,” 7. Out of a total of 45 PAC -related protests in 2013, 19 protests affected industrial port complexes and 18 protests focused on dams in Amazonia, particularly at the Belo Monte, Jirau, Santo Antônio, Teles Pires , and Tapajós dams.
110.
For a further discussion on examples of strikes since 2011, Jorg Nowak, “Class Coalitions or Struggles within the Working Class? Social Unrest in India and Brazil during the Global Crisis,” Workers of the World 1(8) (2016), 71-98; on the Jirau Dam strikes, see Roberto Verás, “Brasil em obras, peões em luta, sindicatos sorpreendidos,” Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 103 (2014): 111–136.
111.
Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), Conflitos no campo Brasil 2013 (Goiânia: CPT, 2014), 22–3.
112.
Rede Brasil Atual, “Partidos e movimentos sociais articulam-se para formação de frente de esquerda,” Jan. 4, 2015, http://www.redebrasilatual.com.br/politica/2015/01/entidades-sociais-e-partidos-politicos-articulam-se-para-formacao-de-frente-de-esquerda-1518.html, accessed March 22, 2016.

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Riethof, M. (2019). Labour Strategies and the Left in Power: Moderation, Division, and Renewed Militancy from Lula to Dilma. In: Labour Mobilization, Politics and Globalization in Brazil. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60309-4_6

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