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Foundations for a Comparative Research Programme Between Wine Markets in the Twentieth Century

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A History of Wine in Europe, 19th to 20th Centuries, Volume II

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Economic History ((PEHS))

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  • The original version of this chapter was revised: The chapter has been updated with the correct forename and surname of the author. The correction to this chapter is available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27794-9_12

Abstract

The article deals with understanding recent reconsideration of the hierarchy of the French wines. In about fifty years, the AOC label ceased to provide the most favourable economic positions, contrary to certain table wines. How different categories of wines, that the professional and the State contributed to segment in two market in the first half of the twentieth century, could have evolved until calling into question the AOC wine, former institutionalized model of excellence? In order to understand how each market evolved to this conclusion, we provide basic tools for comparing the market under the same grid. Gironde and Languedoc-Roussillon constitute two convenient cases for applying it. The—undesired—incidence of the European instruments of public action on the sectoral evolution is clear. By analysing the effects of the installation of sectoral legislation, then the substantial modification of the European regulations in 1985, we understand how the regulatory change induced the emergence of new collective and economic strategies leading to reconsider AOC wines.

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Change history

  • 30 January 2020

    ∎∎∎

Notes

  1. 1.

    They have underlined how the French wine sector has gradually combined two sets of economic regulations and institutions , which have been delineated by professional conflicts, and the determining contribution of the State. In line with the “Regulation school”, they adhere to its concepts, and the idea according to which the national institutional regulations (set by public policies) arise from the local confrontations between unions. See Bartoli and Boulet (1989, 1990).

  2. 2.

    By this expression, Pierre Muller underlines that scientists’ thinking is bound to, and bounded by sectoral structuring preceding them. See Muller (2010).

  3. 3.

    At that time, tables wines represented 95% of the Community production (Smith et al. 2007, pp. 80–81).

  4. 4.

    The special issue of the Pôle Sud journal published in 1998, under the direction of William Genieys, includes works conducted by economists, historians and political scientists with expertise in tables wines and European regulations (Genieys 1998). For more recent development, see Garcia-Parpet (2004, 2007).

  5. 5.

    This is what Antoine Bernard de Raymond shows regarding the introduction of the Common Market Organization of the fruit and vegetable markets , by pointing out the change in regional offer: the varieties of apple produced in the orchards are homogenized (in particular through the creation of an official catalogue), while the producers ‘ organizations take part into making them more competitive, by channelling their production and marketing, with a disappearance of the traditional circuits and trade unions. See Bernard de Raymond (2013, pp. 203–221).

  6. 6.

    Indeed, the study of the role of interest groups on public policies has become classical in political science. Three specialized currents have modelled it differently: “pluralists”, for whom the definition of public policies results from a free and fair competition between interest groups, the State being reduced to a mere rubber-stamping party; “corporatists”, underlining the uneven character of the competition between interest groups, the State recognizing only those in conformity with its interests; “neo-corporatists” (or “sectoral corporatists”), focusing on the formulation and the application of specific, sectoral policies. See Hayward (1996), Jobert and Muller (1987), Hassenteufel (1995), and Berger (1981).

  7. 7.

    Respectively, the Languedoc-Roussillon region for table wine , and the Gironde department for AOC wines. See Smith et al. (2007, pp. 64–78).

  8. 8.

    Indeed, since the end of the twentieth century, an interdependence was established between the two shores of the Mediterranean, for blending wines.

  9. 9.

    From 1964 to 1970, however, the “system of supply inherited from the colonial time continues to function”: the French and Algerian governments get along on an annual, limited delivery fixed at 8,760,000 hl in 1965 (Berger and Maurel 1980, p. 90).

  10. 10.

    That is to say, to a certain extent, to even replace the Algerian wines (Bardissa 1976, p. 454; IVCC 1973, p. 33).

  11. 11.

    The cooperatives, thanks to their qualitative growth and competences (technology innovations , reorganization of their workshops, selection of the harvests) empower vis-à-vis wine merchants ’ control, and capture added value.

  12. 12.

    In 1968, the majority of the wines with an alcoholic strength of 9 °5–11 °4, and more than 11 °4, is produced in the South of France (CRPEE 1970, p. 70).

  13. 13.

    Nationally in 1972, it controlled 54% of production volumes (against 31% in 1954), 60% in Languedoc-Roussillon (Boulet et al. 1976, p. 26). There were, in 1972, 552 cooperative wines caves producting 20 million hl in Languedoc-Roussillon (Gavignaud-Fontaine 2006, p. 201).

  14. 14.

    From this moment on, they were set by “quotation regional commissions” (Bardissa 1976, pp. 55–56).

  15. 15.

    The grubbing up premium, for instance, supported the retreat of the vineyard, but the wine growers slowed down its impact by gaining in productivity. The reduction of the production was slower than that of consumption, resulting in an increase in surpluses, and an increased recourse to the mechanisms of storage and distillation (Bartoli and Boulet 1989, p. 314).

  16. 16.

    Langedoc-Roussillon collected 75% of the European subsidies in France (Bernard 1989, p. 64).

  17. 17.

    In 1968, about fifty communes regrouped their lands, approximately 70 in 1970, that is to say 20% of the winegrowing area in Gironde (Roudié 2014, pp. 415–416). The mechanization of the vineyard jointly accompanied the diffusion of “high vines” developped in Cadillac, which covered as soon as 1964 one-third of the vineyard in Gironde (Roudié 2014, pp. 406–407). On the diffusion of oenology, see Anonymous (1965, p. 9).

  18. 18.

    For years, the production of white wines under the generic name “Bordeaux”, in particular, had developed in an overabundant fashion, as it had become “practically a refuge” for wines of lesser quality . Less rewarding, it was also the less organized. See Vincent (1966, p. 5).

  19. 19.

    It felt from 30 to 15% of total departmental volumes between 1970 and 1987 (Aubril 1987, p. 47).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Associated Researcher at Centre Émile Durkheim (CED), University of Bordeaux, Bordeaux, France

    Romain Blancaneaux

  2. Postdoctoral Researcher at Institut de sciences politiques Louvain-Europe (ISPOLE), University of Louvain-la-Neuve, Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium

    Romain Blancaneaux

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  1. Romain Blancaneaux
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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Historical Studies, University of Milan ‘La Statale’, Milan, Italy

    Silvia A. Conca Messina

  2. University of Clermont Auvergne, Clermont-Ferrand, France

    Stéphane Le Bras

  3. Department of Economics, Management and Statistics, University of Milano-Bicocca, Milan, Italy

    Paolo Tedeschi

  4. University of Perugia, Perugia, Italy

    Manuel Vaquero Piñeiro

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Blancaneaux, R. (2019). Foundations for a Comparative Research Programme Between Wine Markets in the Twentieth Century. In: Conca Messina, S., Le Bras, S., Tedeschi, P., Vaquero Piñeiro, M. (eds) A History of Wine in Europe, 19th to 20th Centuries, Volume II. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27794-9_10

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27794-9_10

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