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Abstract

Students of international politics do not need to be told of the unsatisfactory state of balance of power theory.1 The problems are well known: the ambiguous nature of the concept and the numerous ways it has been defined,2 the various distinct and partly contradictory meanings given to it in practice and the divergent purposes it serves (description, analysis, prescription, and propaganda);3 and the apparent failure of attempts clearly to define balance of power as a system and specify its operating rules.4 Not surprisingly, some scholars have become skeptical about the balance of power “system”5 and a few have even denied that balance of power politics prevailed in the nineteenth century.6 None of the methods generally used seems to promise much help. These have included studying the views and theories of balance of power held by individual publicists, theorists, and statesmen,7 making case studies of the balance of power in certain limited periods,8 analyzing events and policies within an assumed balance of power framework,9 or constructing theoretical analyses comparing the supposed system of balance of power to other systems.10 Undoubtedly a method for operationalizing the study of the balance of power would be very valuable, and efforts to do this have yielded useful information. But the obstacles to establishing reliable indices of power and status and the problems of quantifying alignments and cooperationconflict ratios in international affairs are formidable indeed.11

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Notes

  1. For examples of historians’ definitions, implicit and explicit, see R Albrecht-Carrié, A Diplomatic History of Europe since the Congress of Vienna (New York, 1958); K. Bourne, The Foreign Policy of Victorian England, 1830–1902 (Oxford, 1970), 10, and Palmerston: The Early Tears 1784–1841 (New York, 1984), 627-31; A. Cobban, The Nation State and National Self-Determination, rev. edn. (New York, 1970), 287-90; G. Davies, “English Foreign Policy,” Huntington Library Quarterly, 5 (1942), 422–26

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  2. Andreas Hillgruber, “Politische Geschichte in Moderner Sicht,” Historische Zeitschrift, 226 (1973), 535–38

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  3. R. W. Seton-Watson, “The Foundations of British Policy,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 29 (1947), 61–2.

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  4. E. B. Haas, “The Balance of Power: Prescription, Concept, or Propaganda,” World Politics, 5 (1953), 442–77

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  5. The best-known attempt is that of M. Kaplan, Systems and Process in International Politics (New York, 1957), 22-36, 52-53, and 125-27. For criticisms of Kaplan’s systems approach, see R. Aron, Peace and War: A Theory of International Relations (Garden City, NY., 1966), 128-32, 146-47; A. L. Burns, Of Powers and Their Politics (Englewood Cliffs, NJ., 1968), 112-15, 248-51; W. H. Riker, The Theory of Political Coalitions (New Haven, 1962), 162-87; K. Deutsch, The Analysis of International Relations (Englewood Cliffs, NJ., 1968), 136-40; M. Kaplan, A. L. Burns, and R. M. Quandt, “Theoretical Analysis of the ‘Balance of Power’,” Behavioral Science, 5 (1960), 240–52

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  6. Some representative works are J. W. Burton, International Relations: A General Theory (Cambridge, 1965), and Systems, States, Diplomacy and Rules (London, 1968); I. L. Claude, Jr., Power and International Relations (New York, 1962); E. B. Haas, “The Balance of Power as a Guide to Policy-Making,” Journal of Politics, 15 (1953), 370–98

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David Wetzel Robert Jervis Jack S. Levy

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© 2004 Paul W. Schroeder

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Schroeder, P.W. (2004). The Nineteenth Century System: Balance of Power or Political Equilibrium?. In: Wetzel, D., Jervis, R., Levy, J.S. (eds) Systems, Stability, and Statecraft: Essays on the International History of Modern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06138-6_11

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06138-6_11

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, New York

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-4039-6358-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-137-06138-6

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