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Market Myths and Assumptions: Examining the Transnational Politics of Access to Medicines Campaigning in Central America

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Abstract

In recent years, intellectual property rights protections have increased in Central America. Transnational access to medicines campaigns focused particular attention on the public health implications of these protections in the context of debates around the ratification of the US-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), but these efforts did not lead to long-term engagement with intellectual property and access questions by local health activists. This paper explores differences in priority focus between global access to medicines movement and local health activists in Central America, arguing that transnational access advocates’ core arguments rely on assumptions that mesh poorly with on-the-ground realities in Central America. I examine differences in drug markets and political alliances, suggesting that these factors help explain the imperfect connection between global access to medicines frames and the needs of patients and advocates in Central America.

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Notes

  1. Many of the dynamics mentioned in this article are explored in greater depth in my recent book Of Medicines and Markets: Intellectual Property and Human Rights in the Free Trade Era (2013), which includes extensive discussions of interviews which are only summarized here, due to limitations of scope and space. My perspective on these issues is also informed by my own participation as an opponent of CAFTA’s IP provisions in many discussions in the United States over this period and my experience directing a network of Central American researchers monitoring the impacts of new IP rules in their countries.

  2. Test data protection differs from patents in important ways. While test data protection is in force, generic drugmakers are barred from registering their drugs by demonstrating equivalency to a product already shown to be safe, in this sense proving the safety of their drug by “piggybacking” on the clinical test data produced by the originator company. What’s protected, in this sense, is the test data. Although theoretically a generic company could enter the market if able to produce its own clinical test data, in practice it would be prohibitively expensive for generic manufacturers to replicate clinical trials, so test data protection, like a patent, produces a temporary monopoly. What makes test data protection so significant, however, is the fact that unlike a patent, it is granted automatically to the first registrant of any drug at the time of market entry. Patents, on the other hand, require significant investment on the part of the patent seeker; they are granted by national, not international, authorities, so patents must be sought separately before the authorities in each country, and procedures and standards vary from country to country. Typically, patent law requires demonstration that the substance is new, non-obvious, and useful; patents can be challenged by third parties, and can be revoked if it is shown that the product does not fulfill these criteria.

  3. MSF’s departure was not motivated by CAFTA’s ratification, for MSF’s activities in country were much broader in scope than simply opposing the agreement. Rather, because MSF aims to avoid substituting for the state in delivering health services, its prior agreement with the Guatemalan government stipulated a 2005 departure, at which point the state would assume responsibility for the programs MSF had spearheaded. Whatever the reason, however, it coincided in time with the agreement’s passage, leading to a precipitous drop-off in civil society organizing around IP following ratification.

  4. Recognizing the importance of informing national implementation processes, UNCTAD and ICTSD commissioned a dialog with Argentine IP expert Carlos Correa in which he instructed Central American countries how to implement test data protection to conform with CAFTA’s requirements while preserving as much latitude as possible for public health considerations. To guide these discussions, Correa drafted a “Model Law” for CAFTA implementation (Correa 2006a, b).

  5. This is not intended to imply that access advocates are unaware of the need for other reforms in Central America; MSF, a leading force in the coalition against CAFTA in Guatemala, was at the time very significant player working to improve delivery of health care by the Guatemalan state along many fronts other than IP. But their campaigning around IP was not directly connected to these efforts in ways that were explicit and publicly visible.

  6. For example, in the US market, at least two studies have shown an inverse relationship between the number of drugs competing in the market and the average price: see Congressional Budget Office (1998) and Caves et al. 1991. But the number of competing drugs matters: see Frank and Salkever (1997). As Reiffen and Ward write, “Generic drug prices fall with increasing number of competitors, but remain above long-run marginal cost until there are eight or more competitors.” (Reiffen and Ward 2006: 37–49).

  7. Significantly, Rodríguez later returned to El Salvador, becoming the first female rector of the University of El Salvador, and as of this writing, serves as Minister of Health; her influence looms large in progressive health circles in El Salvador.

  8. Since Central American countries’ production capacity is limited for the most technologically advanced drugs, this is not an insignificant benefit.

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Acknowledgments

The author would like to gratefully acknowledge the contributions of many people to this article. First and foremost, I am grateful for the generosity of my informants in Central America, who include doctors, generics manufacturers, health advocates, patients, and politicians. I also appreciate the thoughtful comments made by the participants in the January 23–25, 2013 conference at Brown University, especially Nitsan Chorev, Peter Evans, and Ken Shadlen. I am also grateful for the insights shared by two anonymous SCID reviewers. While their suggestions were enormously helpful, the responsibility for any remaining omissions or errors in this paper resides solely with the author.

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Correspondence to Angelina Snodgrass Godoy.

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Godoy, A.S. Market Myths and Assumptions: Examining the Transnational Politics of Access to Medicines Campaigning in Central America. St Comp Int Dev 50, 187–202 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-015-9184-4

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