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The British Labour Left and U. S. Foreign Policy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 September 2013

Leon D. Epstein
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin

Extract

Perhaps it is the absence of a substantial communist opposition in Great Britain that has caused Americans to be less concerned about the reactions of our British allies than of the continental nations to the recent foreign policy of the United States. However, if Americans assumed an almost universal British acceptance of the foreign policy adopted by the United States and formally adhered to by the British Government, the Bevanite revolt of early 1951 administered a sharp jolt. First, in April there were the resignations from the Government of Aneurin Bevan, Minister of Labour, former Minister of Health, and one of Labour's strongest and most popular leaders, Harold Wilson, President of the Board of Trade and one of the Government's young intellectuals, and John Freeman, a lesser figure but in the significant position of Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Supply. Their resignation speeches made it clear that, while the immediate cause of their departure was a new budgetary provision requiring a health service charge for dentures and spectacles, the root of their dissatisfaction lay in the burden of rearmament expenditures accepted by the Government in accordance with the main lines of U. S. policy.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1951

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References

1 See The (London) Times, April 23–25, 1951.

2 One Way Only, Tribune pamphlet (July, 1951), with foreword by Bevan, Aneurin, Wilson, Harold and Freeman, JohnGoogle Scholar.

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4 The five Labour Independents were Zilliacus, Solley, Hutchinson, Pritt, and Platts-Mills (the author of the famous telegram of support sent to Nenni, the fellow-traveling Italian socialist leader, during the 1948 election campaign in Italy). All five were persistent critics of the Anglo-American alignment in the 1945–50 Parliament; see, e.g., H. C. Deb., Vol. 427, cols. 1542–52, 1690–97, 1711–26 (Oct. 22, 23, 1946)Google Scholar; Vol. 450, cols. 1182–94, 1327–40 (May 4, 5, 1948); Vol. 468, cols. 1450–54, 1474–83 (Oct. 26, 1949). Their fight was also carried to labour party conferences, especially in 1948, and may be noted in the Report of the 47th Annual Conference of the Labour Party (London, 1948), pp. 184200Google Scholar.

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34 The pattern of British reactions to moves of the United States on Palestine questions is a subject worthy of separate consideration. Animosity to them was widespread and not confined to the Labour Left. Occasionally there was a coupling of anti-Semitism with anti-Americanism, especially when U. S. policies seemed to reflect Jewish pressures. For a sampling of various critical reactions, see Ernest Bevin's, speech, H. C. Deb., Vol. 433, cols. 1901–20 (Feb. 25, 1947)Google Scholar; and parliamentary addresses by other M.P.'s, ibid., Vol. 445, cols. 1278–86, 1299–1307, 1345–53, 1408–14 (Dec. 11, 1947), Vol. 448, cols. 1288–90 (March 10, 1948), and Vol. 460, cols. 1000–08 (Jan. 26, 1949).

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49 78th Annual Report of the Trades Union Congress (London, 1946) pp. 469–70Google Scholar. The critical resolution received 2,444,000 card votes to 3,557,000 standing by the government policies.

50 Assurances of the coming U. S. slump were repeated again and again by the parliamentary critics of Anglo-American relations from the fall of 1945 well into 1947.

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59 Ibid., Nov. 5, 1948, pp. 1–2; and Socialist Commentary, Vol. 12, pp. 340–46 (Dec., 1948)Google Scholar. One of the contributors to the latter's discussion of the 1948 election was David Williams, representative of the Americans for Democratic Action in Britain. From about this date until 1951, Williams was a frequent contributor, especially to Tribune, of informative articles on American politics. He was also a conveyor of rather optimistic accounts of the potency of the A. D. A. in the United States.

60 In Starr, Mark, Labour Politics in U.S.A., Fabian Research Series, No. 133 (London, 1949), pp. 34Google Scholar.

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63 Ibid., Vol. 37, p. 196 (Feb. 26, 1949).

64 Ibid., Vol. 38, pp. 1–2, 373 (July 2, Oct. 8, 1949).

65 Compare Labour's 1950 electoral program of Let Us Win Through Together with that of 1945's Let Us Face the Future.

66 New Statesman pamphlet (London, 1950), p. 19Google Scholar.

67 (London, 1950), p. 9. There was further exposition of this point of view in Socialist Commentary, Vol. 14, pp. 156–58, 213–14, 265 (July, Nov., Dec., 1950)Google Scholar.

68 Autobiographical sketch in Lerner, Daniel, Sykewar (New York, 1949), pp. 7880Google Scholar. Also, for E.R.P. support, H. C. Deb., Vol. 446, cols. 561–69 (Jan. 23, 1948)Google Scholar.

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71 There is a wealth of parliamentary discussion indicating concern with Japan. See, e.g., H. C. Deb., Vol. 433, cols. 2367–72 (Feb. 27, 1947)Google Scholar, Vol. 437, cols. 1881–1912 (May 16, 1947); Vol. 457, cols. 119–27, 476–83, 1109–13 (Oct. 27, 29, Nov. 4, 1948); Vol. 470, cols. 2615–21, 2871–77 (Dec. 13, 1949); and Vol. 473, cols. 304–306, 1415–38 (March 28, April 6, 1950).

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84 Tribune, Nov. 21, 1947, p. 2Google Scholar, New Statesman, Vol. 40, p. 616 (Dec. 16, 1950)Google Scholar, and H. C. Deb., Vol. 453, cols. 301–304 (July 6, 1948)Google Scholar, furnish examples of this attitude.

85 See New Statesman, Vol. 40, pp. 413–14, 576–77 (Nov. 11, Dec. 9, 1950)Google Scholar.

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87 Op. cit., pp. 8–10. For the fear of U. S. war-making, see also Martin, Kingsley, “Answer to an American Liberal,” New Statesman, Vol. 41, pp. 264–65 (March 10, 1951)Google Scholar, who quotes Toynbee's popular “No Annihilation without Representation.”

88 One Way Only, op. cit., pp. 4, 10. The Labour Left, while having applauded Truman for the ouster of MacArthur, only a little later thought the Truman-Acheson position to have been surrendered. See, especially, New Statesman, Vol. 41, pp. 549–50, 609, 637–38 (May 19 and June 2 and 9, 1951)Google Scholar.

89 Although there were few T.U.C. votes for a resolution offering outright criticism of the Government's foreign policy, the Bevanites did better on resolutions relating to the effects of rearmament on domestic matters, especially on a proposal (only narrowly defeated) to condemn the budgetary charges on teeth and spectacles. Reported in the New York Times, Sept. 9, 1951, Sec. 4, p. 2Google Scholar.

90 The (London) Times, Sept. 21, 1951, p. 3.

91 Ibid., Oct. 3, 1951, p. 4.

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93 Ibid., Oct. 26, 1951, p. 5.