Abstract
This paper provides a semiotic analysis of political cartoons published in Jordan prior to and during the 2013 elections. It seeks to depict the sociopolitical context after the 2011 Arab Spring and focuses on the changes to people’s practices and stances toward politics and politicians. The data consist of political cartoons by the Jordanian cartoonist Imad Hajjaj drawn during the parliamentary election campaigns in 2007, 2010, and 2013. This paper argues that the humor generated in cartoons conveys strong messages that require an analysis of the interaction between the different signs in cartoons and their social and ideological implications. A model of analysis derived from Barthes’ perception of denotation and connotation theories is adopted. This model is comprised of three types of messages: linguistic, literal, and symbolic. The analysis identifies different messages in the cartoons before and after 2011. Unlike the cartoons from 2007 to 2010, the linguistic and denoted messages in the cartoons of 2013 connoted a sense of salvation, achievement, victory, freedom, dignity, and democracy, merits that had rarely been highlighted in previous cartoons. This attitude is reflected by themes such as the positive image of the young, public awareness of political and national issues, and resistance towards corruption. The study sheds light on this neglected area of visual communication in the Arab world and hopes to provide new insights into the fields of semiotics, pragmatics, multimodal analysis, and critical discourse analysis.
1 Introduction
Cartoons, also referred to as caricatures, are social artifacts that are produced in reaction to a social phenomenon and “guided by socially determined intentions” (Stockl 2004). Oftentimes, they are designed to call attention to similarities between the images used and the real issue the cartoonist aims to address by using analogy in a humorous way. Cartoons have become an established textual form in media discourse that includes television, newspapers, magazines, paintings, and, more recently, different forms of new communication technology, including twitter, Facebook, and mobile phones. Cartoons are multimodal in nature; the visual, auditory, and verbal modes collaborate and complement each other to humorously convey a specific message. The visual images in cartoons are usually accompanied by verbal sub-texts and texts that end with a punchline to create a humorous mood that is achieved through the violation of conversational maxims in the analogies, exaggerations, and symbolism used in the cartoon.
Political events such as elections are occasions for cartoonists to flourish and become extraordinarily active and creative. In political cartoons, cartoonists not only criticize the status quo but also attempt to highlight hidden discourses and sociopolitical stances in a humorous way. Thus, the humor in cartoons should not be considered merely comical because political cartoons are meant to express the views, attitudes, and ideologies not only of the cartoonist but also of his/her society. The humor created by exaggerations and caricatures and by analogies are only one aspect of cartoons. They function as attention-getters that are designed to invite the viewer to study the cartoon and uncover the hidden messages.
Driven by the belief that the humor present in cartoons covers strong messages that require an ideal viewer that is equipped with a relevant socio-cultural background that enables him or her to process and interpret the meaning behind the images, the authors have chosen political cartoons as the subject of this study. The study offers a semiotic analysis of political cartoons (specifically, cartoons relating to elections) by the Jordanian cartoonist Imad Hajjaj, known as Abu Mahjoob. These cartoons depict the sociopolitical context following the 2011 uprisings in the Arab region referred to as the Arab Spring and focus on changes in people’s practices and stances toward politics and politicians. To this end, political cartoons produced during Jordanian election campaigns before and after the Arab Spring (namely, cartoons from the 2007, 2010, and 2013 elections) have been chosen to provide the data for this study.
2 Literature review
2.1 The nature of cartoons
Some scholars define cartoons as “jokes told in pictures,” but they are different from comics: “[i]n cartoons an action, a situation, or a person are caricatured or symbolized in a satirical way, whereas comics are more originated towards stories, and the drawings often resemble reality” (Samson and Huber 2001: 1). Other scholars draw a line between humor and satire in cartoons. Lewis (2008: 40), for example, argues that “newspaper cartoons are satire[,] not humor.” He contends that satire is different from humor in two senses: “first, cartoonists must respond to a topic, and in many cases they can marshal very little humor into it. Second it is not self-explanatory: one must have read the paper or heard the news to understand what it is about” (Lewis 2008: 40).
Humor in general and cartoons in particular flourish when rules are broken. Political cartoons are produced as reactions to prohibition and censorship by official bodies. These are “elements of aggression and oppression which demand the moment of laughter to be released and relieve the subjects from their oppression” (Mascha 2008: 70). Humor “becomes successful when it puts the elements of the rules and their violation at the center of popular attention” (Mascha 2008). Eco (1986: 271) confirms this statement, arguing that “we allow ourselves the vicarious pleasure of a transgression that offends a rule we have secretly wanted to violate.”
Raskin (2008) describes humor in cartoons as camouflage for real feelings and beliefs “because they hide what cannot be said openly conveying messages that wouldn’t be conveyed by other forms of humor.” If the cartoon “repeats what is openly said, it loses its force and hence becomes ineffective” (Raskin 2008: 28). As such, humor allows people to freely express their negative feelings and views toward an issue. without taking responsibility for their views.
2.2 The functions of political cartoons
As the discussion above shows, cartoons are not created simply for fun and innocent play. In general, they are representations of social phenomena and are guided by social and ideological intent. Political cartoons can be described as a platform in which different themes and meanings that represent group interests and the perspectives of both cartoonists and their societies are negotiated. The different modes in cartoons collaborate to represent these themes and messages in a humorous way. They symbolize social and ideological intentions that can have an “effect on people’s behavior and ultimately on their life” (Martin 2008: 18). Socially, they are humorous “tools to make points and proclaim identity.” (Martin 2008) Ideologically, the images used in cartoons are “means through which ideologies are produced and onto which ideologies are projected” (Sturken and Cartwright 2001: 21). As such, cartoons play an important role in manifesting political views and stances and reinforcing ideologies and power relationships (Lewis 2008; Kuipers 2008). In this sense, humor is “a terrain where many battles about morality and boundaries are fought” (Kuipers 2008: 11) in a safe way and functions as a “safety-valve” or a “smokescreen” (Mascha 2008) that helps the cartoonist challenge rules and violate these rules without being held legally responsible.
Cartoons have positive and negative effects that “can either draw people together or push them apart” (Lewis et al. 2008: 12). In their positive role, they alert people to violations of rules and make them aware of the real situation that is highlighted by the use of analogies. Drawing people’s attention to violations of rules may have a mobilizing effect that may lead to important changes in society, especially if the cartoons are issued at the time the violations take place and together with other types of sarcasm and criticism across different forms of media (Sturken and Cartwright 2001: 21). Chen (2013) confirms this claim in a study on the efficacy of political humor in the public sphere. He argues that political cartoons produced through new media may have mobilizing effects. Chen demonstrates that the cartoons he investigated in his study helped fuel a public outcry against the negligence of official bodies in a transportation company and led to the resignation of its chief officer (Chen 2013: 43). As a means of social criticism, cartoons may have positive effects in the sense that they highlight boundaries between in-groups and out-groups, which may contribute to social bonding between members of each community: the in-group (the interlocutors who agree on the content) and the out-group (the targets of humor) (Tsakona and Popa 2011: 12).
In their negative role, political cartoons may have positive humorous effects on the cartoonist and his in-group community, but at the same time, they may be harmful and offensive to the out-group community because they are originally produced to undermine, mock, and criticize their targets (Tsakona and Popa 2011: 5). Heitzman (1998) provides the example of the negative effect of Herbert Block’s cartoons on Nixon, stating, “I would hate to get up in the morning and look at his cartoons. I would like to erase that image, referring to his own image in Herblock’s cartoon” (Heitzman 1998: 4). Another example given in Lewis (2008: 32) is that of Adolf Hitler, who was angered by a cartoon of him drawn by a Russian cartoonist and swore to execute the cartoonist when the Germans captured Moscow. Other examples of potentially offensive cartoons include cartoons that rely on racist and ethnic jokes. The cartoons drawn by a Danish cartoonist mocking the Islamic prophet Mohammed caused anger among Muslims worldwide, a case referred to by Kuipers (2011: 63) as the “cartoon crisis” and a “transnational scandal.” In this sense, humor can intensify hostility and contribute to the perceived harm of victims. Lewis (2008: 13) supports this argument, stating that “insulting jokes do not achieve peace but [are] just likely to achieve war.”
The present study claims that Jordanian political cartoons reflect the positive effects of the 2011 Arab Spring on the public. These cartoons increased public morale by celebrating the triumph over existing political regimes. Another positive function of political cartoons is raising public awareness of violations of rules and warning those who violate them. The same representations, however, may indirectly cause negative effects for their targets (i. e., the out-group). This effect is achieved through the signs encoded in the cartoons, as the analysis will demonstrate.
2.3 Review of related studies in the Arab world
There is a dearth of studies on political humor in the Arab world. Among the more notable studies are those by Kishtainy (1985), Kanaana (1995), Fathi (1991), Shehata (1992), Sherbiny (2005) and Badarneh (2011). These studies view political humor as a vehicle for the criticism of politics and politicians in oppressive situations where political freedom is repressed and open political expression is not tolerated. In such cases, the political joke becomes a form of political protest (Shehata 1992: 75). Badarneh (2011) examined contemporary Arab political jokes. He argues that political jokes have a cycle similar to the human lifecycle, beginning with comic “crowning” and “glorification” of the ruler and ending in his “decrowning” and “comic death.” He concludes that, “like carnivals, the telling of these jokes in a repressive context merely builds a second world outside the oppressive world of the regime and offers an alternative framework to the regime’s policies and actions” (Badarneh 2011: 325).
Relatively little research has been conducted on political cartoons in the Arab world (Qassim 2006; Najjar 2007; Al Kayed et al. 2015; Ibrahim 2014; Ahmad 2007). Qassim (2006) and Najjar (2007) examined cartoons in conflict-ridden areas and argued that that they are serious social artifacts that help locals construct a sense of self and identity (Najjar 2007). Humor does not seem to be a priority in such cartoons. This could be attributed to the political crises in these areas and their devastating effects on residents (Qassim 2006: 5). These studies provide pragmatic analyses of humor in cartoons in terms of implicature and Grice’s conversational maxims: quantity, quality, relation, and manner. They all agree that humor in cartoons is achieved through the violation of one or more of these maxims. Pragmatics is concerned with the functions of language. Utterances are interpreted in terms of the context of the situation, and meanings are obtained through implicature, which provides functional explanations of contextually based aspects of language and principles of language usage. One important aspect of pragmatics that is associated with implicature is Grice’s principles of conversation. Grice suggests that there is a set of assumptions that guide normal conversation to further cooperative ends. He identifies four maxims that jointly express a cooperative principle: quantity, quality, manner and relevance. These principles are not always maintained, as speakers often flout them for various reasons. This could be intentional, as in the case of creating a humorous effect (such as cartoons), or unintentional, as in the case of inappropriate use of language by incompetent speakers.
In spite of the significance of pragmatic analysis, it may not provide sufficient interpretations in multimodal genres. This is because its main focus is the linguistic aspect and its interpretation. What is missing in the pragmatic analysis of multimodal genres is the interpretation of the different modes and the interactions among them that create representations. In cartoons, verbal and visual elements cooperate to highlight an issue and are treated as signs of yet more developed signs of ideological and social stances. A semiotic approach may thus provide the tools to decipher these signs. This approach has not been adopted in previous studies on Arabic cartoons, so this study constitutes an attempt to fill this gap. This study adopts a semiotic approach based on Barthes’ (1964, 1972, 1977) ideas of denotation and connotation and addresses the linguistic, denoted, and connoted messages in the analysis of the sample cartoons.
3 Theoretical framework
Various approaches and theoretical frameworks can be adopted in the analysis of cartoons. These include linguistic, pragmatic, semantic, psycho-linguistic, and semiotic approaches. This study adopts a semiotic approach. Semiotics is “a philosophical approach that seeks to interpret messages in terms of their signs and patterns of symbolism” (Eco 1986: 15). It was created by two scholars: Saussure (1983) and Peirce (1931–1958). For Saussure, a sign system consists of only two elements: the signifier (i. e., an object) and the signified (what the object stands for). The relationship between the two is arbitrary; it is understood by convention. Peirce defines signs in a broader way than language and focuses on how they are logically or semiotically linked to their objects. He provides a triadic relationship in the sign system including the signifier, the signified, and the interpretant.
These two philosophers inspired other semioticians, who have contributed to the field of semiotics through their research and analysis of the development of the sign. Roland Barthes is one of these semioticians. In his works (1957, 1964, 1972, 1977), Barthes views the sign in terms of its denotative and connotative meanings. He divides the system of signification into three parts: the linguistic message (the text), the non-coded iconic message (the literal/denoted image) and the coded iconic message (the symbolic/connoted). This study adopts Barthes’ ideas of denotation and connotation by calling upon the three messages, which are further elaborated below.
3.1 The linguistic message
Barthes refers to text or words that accompany an image as the linguistic message. Barthes argues that text is used to illustrate images, particularly in comic strips and cartoons. “At the level of mass media it is present in every image: as title, caption, accompanying press article, film dialogue, and comic strip balloon” (Barthes 1977: 41). The linguistic message is realized in two types of representation (denotation and connotation) that exist at two levels (first-order representation and second-order representation).
3.2 The non-coded iconic message
Denoted (literal image) messages are first-order representations that consist of non-coded iconic messages; the signifier literally represents the signified. Barthes (1977) explains that analogical reproductions of reality (e. g., drawings, paintings, cinema, and theater) represent denoted messages. For him, “the role of the denoted image… is one of naturalizing the symbolic message – supporting and contextualizing the connoted elements, making them innocent” (Barthes 1964). Barthes explains that there is no purely denotative sign; that is, when the denotative sign is used at a higher level of representation (i. e., when it is used in a context other than its natural context), it acquires a connotative (symbolic) meaning.
3.3 The coded iconic message
Connotations (symbolic message) are second-order representations that consist of coded iconic messages “whose signifier is a certain ‘treatment’ of the image and whose signified, whether aesthetic or ideological, refers to a certain ‘culture’ of the society receiving the message” (Barthes 1977: 17). The manner in which society communicates what it thinks of the image is called the “connoted message” (Barthes 1977). Barthes argues that “the code of the connoted system is very likely constituted either by a universal symbolic order or by a stock of stereotypes ([e. g.,]schemes, colors, graphisms, gestures, expressions, arrangements of elements)” (Barthes 1977: 18).
Barthes shows that the code of connotation is “cultural,”; that is, “its signs are gestures, attitudes, expressions, colors or effects, endowed with certain meanings by virtue of the practice of a certain society” (Barthes 1977: 27). Each image can connote multiple meanings, and the viewer selects from these meanings that which is derived from his knowledge. Other viewers in other contexts may create different interpretations. Thus, meaning is constructed not only by the creator of the image but also by the viewer. Barthes argues that this makes the analysis of the connotations of the image a challenging task. Barthes emphasizes the social and cultural connotations of the signs, arguing that culture exists in every aspect of our life and that texts are the product of society; thus, they form an important source of data about the society in which the sign is produced (Barthes 1977).
3.4 Functions of the iconic message: Anchorage and relay
Barthes identifies two functions of the iconic message: anchorage and relay. With anchorage, the linguistic element serves to anchor (or constrain) the preferred reading (Chandler 2002). Thus, from among multiple meanings, “the reader is directed, through the signifieds of the image, to avoid some and receive others” (Barthes 1977: 39–40). Anchorage is the most frequent function of the linguistic message and is commonly found in press photographs, particularly in advertising. In anchorage, language clearly has a function of elucidation, but this “elucidation is selective, metalanguage applied not to the totality of the iconic message but only to certain of its signs” (Barthes 1977: 39).
In a system of relay, both text and image “stand in a complementary relationship, and the unity of the message is realized at the level of the text as a whole. Most systems are actually a combination of anchorage and relay” (Barthes 1977: 41). Hence, the linguistic element (i. e., the text) does not function simply as elucidation; instead, it presents meanings that are not found in the image itself (Barthes 1977: 40). Barthes asserts that the function of relay is less common in fixed images such as photographs. It is particularly prevalent in cartoons and comic strips, where text and image stand in a complementary relationship to convey a higher-level message (Barthes 1977: 39–40).
3.5 Text-image complementarity in cartoons
Understanding the complementarities between the different semiotics in cartoons plays a crucial role in decoding their messages and appreciating their humor. In order for the humor in cartoons to be appreciated and the interpretation of the message to be successful, it is necessary to realize the different modes and sub-modes. Tsakona (2009) provides an analysis of the interaction between language and image in cartoons from a semiotic perspective within multimodal theory. She argues that meaning and humor in cartoons are created via visual and verbal signs or visual signs alone. Cartoons are “often considered to be a direct and easy to process means of communicating a message due to their condensed form and to the interaction between language and image” (Tsakona 2009: 1). Cheong (2004: 188) refers to this complementary relationship as “contextualization propensity, which limits viewers’ interpretative choices, or “interpretative space” (IS). He stresses the importance of the complementary relationship between visual and linguistic elements and argues that the more CP the image has, the less IS is expected. Stöckl (2004) argues that multimodality, as a representation system, addresses a phenomenon that is crucial to almost all forms of communication, including written language where layout and colors work as modes. For him, a mode is glossed as a sign system, sign repertoire, or semiotic. In a multimodal text, linguistic and nonlinguistic elements are equally important because “the linguistic element for the image is as important as the mental image for language” (Stöckl 2004: 18). Regarding the interrelatedness between the different semiotic elements in multimodal texts, the visual elements and the verbal elements are not placed in the text randomly; rather, as Royce (2007) argues, they are there to convey to readers a “sense of unity, of cooperation, and of consistency in terms of the total message it is to convey,” which creates intersemiotic complementarity between the different semiotic elements (Royce 2007: 73).
4 The present study
4.1 Objectives and rationale of the study
The topic of this study is political cartoons that are relevant to elections in Jordanian society in light of the 2011 uprisings known as the Arab Spring. These uprisings provided inspiration for cartoons to become one type of visual documentation of those events. Three justifications can be given for the selection of the topic of this study. The first justification is the considerable influence of the Arab Spring on aspects of Arab life. The study claims that cartoons are one of the modes of expression that has been directly affected. Cartoons produced in Jordan highlight the influence of the uprisings and the socio-political changes the uprisings generated. The second justification is the dearth of studies of political cartoons in the Arab world in general and in Jordan in particular. More specifically, to the knowledge of the authors, no previous study has traced the influence of the Arab Spring on election cartoons in Jordan, let alone in the Arab world. Hence, the significance of this study stems from the authors’ belief that it adds value to existing research in the fields of humor and semiotics by addressing a new topic in a genre of discourse that has received little attention in research on the Arab world.
The third justification is to fill a gap in the existing research. Previous research has approached cartoons from a pragmatic perspective by focusing on the interpretation of the linguistic aspects through implicature in terms of Grice’s maxims of conversation. Cartoons are multimodal texts in which different modes (verbal and visual elements) stand in a complementary manner to signify a specific issue. These elements are treated as signs (signifiers) that represent certain objects or ideas (signifieds) to connote a specific meaning and create a more developed sign (interpretant). Political cartoons are not written “just for fun”; rather, the exaggerations and analogies convey messages that require a socially and culturally competent interpreter to decipher the signs, uncover the hidden messages, and bring them to the surface. Focusing only on the linguistic aspect of cartoons prevents readers from forming a more developed sign and the researcher from providing a clear picture of the hidden messages and values highlighted and documented visually by the cartoons.
The authors believe that the present study provides new insights into humor research by examining cartoons from a semiotic perspective, which should be of interest to those concerned with humor in multimodal texts, discourse analysis, critical discourse analysis and semiotics. Additionally, this study may allow local readers as well as readers in other parts of the world to understand the messages encoded in the selected cartoons and thus may contribute to cross-cultural understanding.
4.2 Data collection
The data for this study consist of 57 political cartoons featuring the elections of 2007, 2010, and 2013 (29 cartoons for 2007, 15 for 2010, and 13 for 2013) collected primarily from a well-known local cartoon website created by prominent Jordanian political cartoonist, Emad Hajjaj. Hajjaj is one of the cartoonists who adopted the Arab spring values as a main theme and portrayed them in his cartoons. His cartoons are well known in Jordanian society as well as other Arab societies. As a result of certain controversial cartoons that Hajjaj created during periods of political and economic crises criticizing the political system in Jordan, he had to leave his job as an editorial cartoonist for mainstream newspapers in Jordan. He worked for the two leading daily newspapers in Jordan: the Arabic-language Al-Rai and the English-language Jordan Times. His editorial cartoons also appear in the Jordanian newspaper Al Ghad as well as in other Arabic language newspapers. Moreover, his cartoons are used and referenced during political and economic crises in mainstream media sources such as newspapers and television.. His cartoons won the Dubai Press Award twice, and the Arabian Business magazine has classified him as one of the most influential personalities in the Arab world.
Hajjaj created the cartoon character Abu Mahjoob, which appears in almost all his cartoons named after the main character of his 1993 cartoons that have since become popular in Jordan. Abu Mahjoob represents the typical Jordanian man and his everyday political, social, and cultural concerns. He also becomes involved in current issues, including elections: sometimes he is a voter and at other times he is a politician or an observer who trades comments and criticism. Mahjoob wears a pinstripe suit and necktie along with the traditional red keffiyeh headdress and sports a crooked moustache. Other characters include Mahjoob, his son, who represents the youth, and Abu Mohammad, who usually wears simple clothing and appears to represent the public with whom the main character (Abu Mahjoob) typically interacts.
The analysis of the data aims to highlight the changes to societal practices and stances toward politics and politicians in Jordanian society after the Arab Spring. Thus, the analysis attempts to answer the following questions:
What are the sociopolitical changes that gave rise to the selected cartoons?
What are the main themes represented in cartoons before and after the Arab Spring?
What humorous techniques are used to represent the topics?
What semiotic messages are encoded in the selected cartoons?
How do verbo-pictorial images complement each other to make the cartoonist’s point clear?
4.3 Methodology
A total of 57 political cartoons were collected and classified according to their most prominent themes. Fifteen cartoons in the three elections highlighted the theme of the falsity of the voting system. Because the aim of the study was to investigate attitudinal changes toward political issues, this theme was excluded because the data do not reflect any change in public views toward this theme. The rest of the cartoons, which constitute the main data for our study, represent six main themes classified into three main dichotomies, which are as follows: first, the active role of the young and the passive role of the young in political life; second, the awareness of the public and the ignorance of the public; and third, resisting and accepting political financing. These dichotomies were classified into three more general categories for the purposes of analysis: representation of the young; representation of the public; and representation of candidates’ practices (Table 1).
The distribution of the three dichotomies.
| Theme | 2013 | 2007 | 2010 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Active role of the young | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Passive role of the young | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Awareness of the public | 4 | 0 | 0 |
| Ignorance of the public | 0 | 6 | 3 |
| Political money and corruption | 0 | 15 | 8 |
| Resisting political money and corruption | 6 | 0 | 0 |
| 10 | 21 | 11 |
This study exclusively investigated Hajjaj’s cartoons concerning the Jordanian elections. All of the cartoons address the three main themes noted above. Because the focus of the study concerns the themes highlighted and the messages conveyed by the verbo-pictorial signs, the researchers decided that it would be sufficient to conduct an extensive thematic and semiotic analysis of only one representative cartoon for each theme representing pre- and post-Arab Spring elections. All cartoons produced during the three elections include signs of the three representations; however, the selection of the six cartoons as sample data was not random because the researchers had to choose the cartoons that included signs that reflected each representation to provide a sufficient analysis. For example, lexical borrowing is one feature in many cartoons produced by Hajjaj for the elections, but not all borrowings have the same function. Therefore, the authors selected the cartoon that involved borrowing from the field of computers that related to the representation of the youth in Figure 1. Although only one cartoon was found that related to the role of the youth in the 2013 elections, the researchers considered it worth including because most of the cartoons related to that election allude to the 2011 Arab Spring, which was initiated by the youth. With regard to public awareness, the authors selected cartoons that elaborated this theme in relation to candidates’ illegal and corrupt practices. The two themes seem to overlap, but the main theme is public awareness. With regard to the corruption cartoons and the use of political money, this is also a common theme in most of Hajjaj’s cartoons and it usually overlaps with other themes in the same cartoon. For these reasons, the authors selected cartoons that focused on the use of political money as their main theme.
4.4 Limitations of the study
Firstly, only six cartoons representing the three elections were selected for analysis due to space constraints.
Second, because the themes in 2007 and 2010 are very similar, only examples from 2007 to 2013 are used. Thus, for each of the three themes, two cartoons were chosen, one from the 2013 collection and the other from the 2007 collection.
Third, cartoons representing the role of the youth in the 2007 elections could not be found in Hajjaj’s collection because young people had yet to take on a recognized public role. However, to make the point clear and for the sake of comparison, Figure 2, which captured this issue, was taken from the webpage of Omar Al-Abdullat, who is also a leading Jordanian cartoonist.
4.5 Analytical model
The images were analyzed in terms of Barthes’ three types of messages: linguistic messages (text), literal messages (denoted image) and symbolic messages (connoted meaning). The linguistic message comprises the description of the verbal captions in terms of lexical and structural choices; the literal denoted message comprises the description of the images, including non-linguistic features such as drawings, colors, facial expressions, gestures, and physical exaggerations; and the symbolic connoted message provides an interpretation of the intersemiotic relationship between the linguistic and the non-linguistic elements that exist in a complementary manner to enhance the representation. Because cartoons are culture- and context-bound texts, the analysis of each cartoon begins with a contextual background and then moves to the description of the three messages and their interpretation. An analytic model is presented below.
4.5.1 Contextual background
↓
Linguistic messages (text): lexical and structural choices, polysemes, homographs or homophones, metaphors, word play, puns, ambiguity, code mixing, borrowings
+
Denoted message (literal/image): physical exaggerations, drawings, colors, facial expressions, gestures, clothes and objects
↓
Connoted message (symbolic): interpretation of linguistic and denoted messages and themes symbolized
5 Analysis
5.1 Contextual background: Jordanian socio-political context
Political events such as elections are occasions for cartoonists to flourish and become extraordinarily active and creative. In the cartoons concerning the 2007 and 2010 Jordanian elections, cartoonists tapped into sensitive chronic problems in Jordanian society, such as poverty, unemployment, corruption, shifting attention in elections from political issues to favors and services, the single-vote system, so-called ‘political money,’ and many other issues. Following the Arab Spring, the 2013 elections in Jordan were rich sources for cartoonists to highlight sensitive issues in Jordanian society, such as the triviality of candidates, public awareness of candidates’ illegal practices, corruption, the rejection of political money, and shifting attention from individual interests to broader public social and political concerns. These themes had not previously appeared in Jordanian cartoons.
A number of cartoons relevant to the 2013 elections in Jordan were selected for the purpose of this study. This election year represents an important shift in political thinking in Jordan. To understand this shift, it is necessary to compare these elections to the two elections that preceded them: specifically, the elections held in 2007 and 2010. In particular, the elections of 2007 created a storm of criticism and anger amongst Jordanians. Economic hardship and tribalism pushed most people to vote for wealthy candidates who promised personal privileges and economic benefits. The intellectuals saw this as humiliating in a society where the majority of people are educated. These elections were mocked at all levels, which led the king to dissolve the parliament two years before its term ended and to call for early elections, which were held in 2010. A law was passed at that time that forbade buying votes. However, the issue of what has become known as ‘political money’ in Jordan has remained pertinent, and the single-vote system that has sustained tribalism has not been abolished. Thus, the populace viewed the 2010 elections as a false promise of political change. Demonstrations and marches in the street were common practices every weekend after Friday prayers. These movements coincided with political turmoil in other Arab countries, which caused the fall of the strongest regimes in North Africa. These movements are ongoing in spite of the dramatic socio-political changes. During this critical period, the 2013 elections were held. These political events were captured and encoded in the cartoons published during the three elections.
5.2 Themes represented in the cartoons and messages encoded
The themes discussed in the sample cartoons of this study have been the core of public debate in Jordan for a long time, but they have been debated more intensely since 2011. Traces of such heated debate are encoded in the cartoons of the 2013 elections compared to previous elections. Three main themes have been identified: the role of the youth, increased public awareness of candidates’ practices, and public responses to political money.
5.3 Representation of the youth
5.3.1 Figure 1: The youth in 2013 elections
5.3.1.1 Contextual background
During the last few years, the Arab world has witnessed various social and political changes. The spread of smartphones and social networking websites (mainly Facebook and Twitter) has played an important role in raising public awareness of political issues, which led to the initiation of political movements in 2011. Thus, in the 2013 election cartoons, the image of the public dramatically changed. This change was encoded in various messages.
Role of the young.
5.3.1.2 The linguistic message (text)
The linguistic message in this image is represented by one verbal caption using a complex sentence that reads as follows: “After seeing the pictures of the candidates and their programs, I am persuaded. I made up my mind and decided to vote for the program of Photoshop!”
5.3.1.3 The denoted message (literal)
A young man in Western-style casual clothes is standing in front of three posters for three candidates (two men and a woman). He is carrying a mobile phone and a laptop computer. The three candidates represent: Abu Mahjoob with his big smile, popping eyes, and crooked mustache; a man with a mustache from which a scale is hanging and eyebrows bearing a resemblance to a flying bird; and a Western-style woman with stars twinkling in her picture.
5.3.1.4 The connoted message (symbolic)
The symbolic message in this cartoon is interpreted through the combination of the linguistic and denoted messages. The main theme is highlighting increased public awareness, particularly among the youth, and exposing the triviality of candidates. The first part of the verbal caption (“After seeing the pictures of the candidates and their programs, I am convinced”) indicates that the decision is grounded and not made haphazardly. The second part provides the decision that is foregrounded: “Voting for Photoshop.” The man standing in front of the posters represents the educated and modern young population. This representation is connoted visually by the backpack, the baseball cap, the laptop, the mobile phone, the casual clothes, and the stylish beard. It is also supported verbally through code-mixing represented by using the word Photoshop, which signifies knowledge of computers. The verbal caption (“I made up my mind and decided to vote for the program Photoshop”) violates expectations and implies that the candidates in question are not honest or sincere. The embedded meaning is that just as people use Photoshop to enhance their photographs, the candidates used techniques to manipulate the public and create false images that the youth could uncover. Photoshop thus symbolizes the way these candidates glamorize their images. A connotation of this idea is that candidates hide their real intentions and create positive images solely to make a good impression. The use of the computer and the mobile phone provides an allusion to the Arab Spring in 2011, which was initiated by the educated youth through new media. Their weapons were computers, Facebook, Twitter, and SMS messages, tools that had never before appeared in Arab political cartoons.
The cartoon’s mocking of the candidates and doubting of their intentions is complemented by the visual captions. The candidates are represented as empty, trivial, greedy, shallow, and hypocritical. Triviality and emptiness are represented by the image of a feather on the woman’s poster; greed is represented by the image of Abu Mahjoob, with his crooked mustache, big smile and large, popping eyes; and hypocrisy is connoted by the image of the man with eyebrows that resemble a flying bird, implying a man without a brain, and scales hanging from his mustache, an allusion to promises that may never be fulfilled. One more point concerning the candidates is that their posters have no verbal slogans. This alludes to the actual situation in campaign advertising in the 2013 elections, when most posters were designed without text. This is simply because the candidates realized that whatever they might say would not be received as credible, again highlighting the idea of public awareness. The punchline in the linguistic element represented by “voting for Photoshop” produces a humorous mood and anchors the receiver toward a pragmatic reading of the text: “none of the candidates deserves my vote.” The interaction between the three messages, the linguistic, the denoted and the connoted, delivers the message that the man in the image who represents the educated youth is no longer the dumb, helpless, trivial man represented in pre-Arab Spring cartoons. The youth are now knowledgeable in digital media and computer techniques, educated, confident and vigilant, and hence cannot be fooled by the false appearances of candidates. This image of the youth had never appeared in previous cartoons. A completely different image was represented in 2007 election cartoons, as Figure 2 by Omar Al-Abdullat shows.
5.3.2 Figure 2: The role of the youth in the 2007 elections
5.3.2.1 Contextual background
The 2007 elections were a scandal. Thanks to the single-vote system, the strongest opposition party, the Muslim Brotherhood, decided to boycott the elections, leaving room for tribal competitors with no political background to take over. The single vote system allows the voter to vote only one person in his election constituency, and this commonly goes to the closest relative. People lost faith in the process and ultimately turned a deaf ear to the government’s calls to turn out to vote. This created a situation of frustration and despair within Jordanian youth. No cartoons were produced by Hajjaj on the role of the youth during these elections, which itself could be a sign of the passive role they played in the elections prior to 2013. Despite this being one of the limitations of the study, a cartoon (Figure 2 by Al Abdullat) has been chosen.
Encouraging the young to vote. ‘Vote for me and I’ll kiss the ouchie for every citizen’.
5.3.2.2 The linguistic message
Three linguistic captions are identified in this cartoon: the title (“Encouraging the young to vote”), the slogan on the poster (“Vote for me and I will kiss the ouchie for every citizen”), and the caption of the person in the car who is whining (uttering akh, which is the Arabic equivalent of ouch) as a sign of pain.
5.3.2.3 The denoted message
The visual captions consist of a man sitting inside a red car with headphones. On the side of the car, there are two pictures of a popular singer representing a candidate. Above the car, there is an election banner advertising this ‘candidate’ and carrying a larger picture of her.
5.3.2.4 The connoted message
The verbal caption on the election banner is an allusion to a hit song by a famous Lebanese singer. The song, known as buus elwawa or “kiss the ouchie,” is sexually suggestive and has come to be humorously associated with mild pain, such as a cut on one’s finger. Part of this song is intertextually used in the banner that reads “vote for me and I will kiss the ouchie of every citizen.” Although the title of the cartoon says “encouraging the young to vote,” the young man in the car behind the steering wheel is making a sound of pain to communicate that he “need[s] a kiss,” thus reinforcing the sexual connotations of the cartoon. The intertextual borrowing in the linguistic message forms the punchline of this cartoon by humorously making a critical comment on the triviality of the young, who displayed no genuine involvement in the political process at that time. Their interests were confined to beautiful female singers and pop stars and hence sexuality, as symbolized by the red car, the image of the singer, and the man in pain. This complementarity connotes the passive role of the young in the 2007 elections and their lack of political interest. In 2010, however, no such representation of the youth was found in the cartoons produced at the time.
5.4 Representation of the public
5.4.1 Figure 3: Public awareness in the 2013 elections
5.4.1.1 Contextual background
Corruption has been highlighted in almost all election cartoons since the 1980s in Jordan. However, it has become a major issue since the passing of the single-vote system since the 1993 elections. This has resulted in tribal candidates that have no coherent political programs or agenda but rather hold the financial means to make the electorate sell their votes to them, which has given rise to the term ‘political money’ in Jordan. In 2011, corruption scandals were exposed, and very important officials were tried, found guilty, and jailed. Therefore, candidates in the 2013 elections created slogans against corruption that contradicted their practices. Figure 3 highlights people’s awareness of the corruption issue.
Public awareness of candidates’ intentions.
5.4.1.2 The linguistic message
Two verbal captions represented in wordplay and ambiguity are used in this cartoon: a slogan reading “our slogan is fighting corruption,” manipulated so that it appears to be melting away on the poster, and a proverb in the bubble, which reads “tomorrow the snow will melt away and we will know what is underneath.”
5.4.1.3 The denoted message
The cartoon presents a picture of Abu Mohammad (a simple man on the street), a poster with a picture of an incarcerated candidate, and a red liquid dripping down from the melting slogan.
5.4.1.4 The connoted message
The combination of the verbal and visual messages in this cartoon highlights a serious issue in Jordanian society, the public’s abhorrence of government corruption. This is represented by the portrayal of the man in the street as confident and alert. Abu Mohammad is looking back in doubt while walking away from a poster with a picture of a candidate, above which a slogan reads, “our slogan is fighting corruption.” The red paint with which the slogan was written is dripping, forming what looks like prison bars to suggest the idea of a corrupt candidate who will eventually end up incarcerated and alluding to other well-known figures who were convicted of corruption following the investigations inspired by the Arab Spring. Both the verbal and the visual captions reinforce the idea of casting doubt on the candidates’ intentions and accusing them of corruption. The wordplay in the slogan forms a pun: the slogan reads shiaaruna muharabat alfasad, which translates to “our slogan is fighting corruption.” The words are washing away in the rain, leaving some parts behind. The parts that have survived appear here in bold face: ShiAruNAMoharabatALFASAD. These letters form a new sentence that reads ana alfasad, or “I am corruption!” The caption in the bubble combines with the melting image in the poster. It reads, “tomorrow the snow will melt away and we will know what is underneath.” This is a proverbial expression that is used to express doubts about others’ promises or true intentions. The different semiotic elements in the poster support the popular conception of candidates as being suspect regarding corruption, and the image of Abu Mohammad emphasizes the theme of increased public awareness of corruption. He is the same man used in many previous election cartoons by Hajjaj to represent the public. Abu Mohammed is still poor and simple, as his clothes indicate, but this time he seems confident and aware of what is going on. Turning his back to the poster with a look of doubt enhances this as a demarcation sign in the representation of the public view.
5.4.2 Figure 4: Public ignorance in the 2007 elections
5.4.2.1 Contextual background
In 2007 and 2010, political cartoons portrayed voters as marginalized, oppressed, undignified, naïve, and manipulated. The image of Abu Mohammad, a helpless, chubby man in simple clothes who represented ignorant voters and had no political views or interest in any political issue, was present in almost every cartoon. The simple, helpless voters were portrayed in most cartoons as being forced to vote and as voting either for money or by virtue of tribal affiliation. This degrading image was highlighted in all cartoons published at that time. Figure 4 from the 2007 elections makes reference to this situation.
2007 elections: Transporting voters.
5.4.2.2 The linguistic message
Six verbal captions are identified in this cartoon: the title (transporting voters); the name of the transportation company (Public Transportation Corporation); the name of Abu Mahjoob on the left side of the train, which is similar to the front side of an official Jordanian identification document; two intertextual borrowings represented by the driver singing an old Egyptian song (“I live in Assayedah, but my beloved lives in Al-Hussein”) that was popular neighborhoods in the Egyptian capital of Cairo; and Abu Mahjoob singing another old Egyptian song (“O train, tell me where you’re heading!”).
5.4.2.3 The denoted message
The cartoon denotes a train “made of” official identity cards with a singing driver, a cheerful picture of Abu Mahjoob singing, and a sleepy potential voter in the rear seat.
5.4.2.4 The connoted message
The cartoon alludes to the illegal practice of transporting voters from their own constituency to another, which was common during the 2007 elections when voters were tempted financially to cast ballots in constituencies besides their own. Both the verbal and visual captions intersemiotically complement each other to highlight this issue. Many irrelevant verbal texts (such as songs) are used by the cartoonist to criticize both voters’ and candidates’ behavior in a humorous way. This cartoon highlights the humiliation of voters who are transported as goods, which is conveyed by the title of the cartoon: “Transporting voters.” Thus, the electorate is seen mechanically in terms of the votes they cast rather than in terms of their choices and aspirations. The driver’s verbal caption in the upper bubble is a symbolic quote from an old Egyptian song whose theme is the idea of two lovers distanced from each other, thus alluding to a physical and psychological distance between the candidates and their constituencies. The lower picture on the train represents Abu Mahjoob singing another old Egyptian song that symbolizes the train as a journey of life. The carriages on the train in the cartoon are made of identification cards, thus alluding to the common practice among candidates of holding potential voters’ identification cards as a guarantee that they will vote for the candidate in question. In the rear carriage, a potential voter, known only by his own identification card, is taking a nap while being transported to cast his vote in a different, remote area. The interaction between these different messages semiotically carries the message that the election process lacks credibility and that people were exploited to achieve candidates’ self-interests. The same situation occurred again in 2010. The issue of public ignorance and indifference prevailed in most cartoons.
5.5 Representation of candidates’ practices
5.5.1 Figure 5: Resistance to political money in the 2013 elections
5.5.1.1 Contextual background
During the 2007 election campaign, the use of what is known in Jordan as political money (paying people to vote for a particular candidate) was so widespread that agents were hired to buy people’s votes, making the election process look like an investment or business transaction. In 2010, the government passed a law that forbade the buying and selling of votes. However, political money still played an important role, albeit in a clandestine manner, thanks to the single-vote system. In 2013, this practice continued, but it was resisted by the public. Figure 5 highlights this issue.
Buying votes.
5.5.1.2 The linguistic message
Two verbal captions are identified: the title (“Buying votes”) and the caption in the bubble, which involves extensive wordplay. It reads “my son, I am with [I have] all (social) groups [denominations], I am with constructive criticism [money]. Why don’t you want to [bidkaash “cash”] vote?”
5.5.1.3 The denoted message
The main visual signs are a citizen in simple clothes, a blank voting card, a candidate in a suit and tie, and banknotes hung as posters.
5.5.1.4 The connoted message
In this cartoon, a candidate is trying to convince a citizen, Abu Mohammad, to vote for him in return for money, and Abu Mohammad is turning down the proposition. Both the visual and the verbal elements stress the theme of rejecting political money and boycotting the elections. This is implied by wordplay represented by puns in the question leish bidkaashtintakhib, “Why don’t you want to vote?,” which presupposes that the man does not want to vote. The words in bold type are exploited in the cartoon as polysemes, homographs, or homophones that indicate the point in a cynical way. The word fi?aat in Arabic is polysemous between ‘classes,’ ‘groups,’ or ‘banknote denominations.’ In the cartoon, it is exploited to suggest the “banknote denominations” meaning, as shown through the five-, ten-, twenty-, and fifty-dinar banknotes hung as election banners. The word naqd in Arabic means either ‘criticism’ or ‘cash’ depending on context. The expression ana ma? alnaqdal banana? is a play on this polysemy. Using leish bidkaashtintakhib (“Why don’t you want to vote?”) plays on part of the colloquial word bidkaash, which consists of three morphemes: biddak (‘want’ in the masculine singular second-person form) and the colloquial negation marker, -sh. The masculine singular second-person marker (k-) combined with the negation marker (-sh) produces kaash in spoken Arabic, a homophone of the word ‘cash, which is itself a borrowing in colloquial Arabic. This creatively alluding to the issue of offering cash to potential voters to secure their votes in the elections. The question is thus a comically underhanded offer of bribery.
Visually, the posters hanging in the street take the form of banknotes of different denominations. No slogans are needed when money is involved. Two opposing scripts are created in the cartoon. The first is that of a wise, honest citizen, and the second is that of a greedy, dishonest candidate. The exaggeration in the candidate’s physical features, including rubbing his thumb against his index finger in a socioculturally recognized gesture of paying money in cash, creates the image of a greedy candidate who offers nothing but money. The image of the silent voter as a calm person planted firmly on the ground and holding an empty voting card signifies a dignified, honest voter who cannot be bought by money and who refuses to participate in the voting process. It is a gesture of refusing to vote and hence a sign of increased awareness, an allusion to a real practice that occurred during the 2013 elections.
5.5.2 Figure 6: Corruption and political money in the 2007 elections
5.5.2.1 Contextual background
Corruption, as demonstrated by the importance of political money in the electoral process, was a significant issue in the 2007 elections. Candidates used every possible means to win. Political money was one of the issues emphasized in nearly all cartoons of that period. Various cartoons made references to political money explicitly and implicitly. Figure 6 highlights this issue.
2007 Abu Mahjoob’s election campaign revealed!
5.5.2.2 Linguistic message
In addition to the title (“Abu Mahjoob’s election campaign revealed!”), the linguistic message of this cartoon consists of six phrases, each referring through an arrow to one object. On the left-hand side of the cartoon, there are three phrases, from top to bottom: “My election manifesto”; “My podium”; and “My CD.” On the right-hand side of the cartoon, three more phrases appear, from top to bottom: “My attracting [satellite] dish”; “My favorite novel”; and “My solid base.”
5.5.2.3 Denoted message
The visual signs in this cartoon consist of Abu Mahjoob as a candidate, with six arrows pointing to six different objects: a fifty-dinar bill almost torn in half, a pile of aid packages, a gas cylinder, a large traditional dish of rice and lamb, a checkbook protruding from his pocket, and a safe.
5.5.2.4 Connoted messages
All of the verbal elements are used metaphorically or through puns to draw a humorous yet realistic picture of the election process. They all communicate one theme: that the voter’s main concern or motivation is money and the candidate’s main qualification is wealth. This cartoon reflects all the practices connected to political money that prevailed during the 2007 elections. The verbal and pictorial captions complement each other to summarize these practices. The title says, “Abu Mahjoob’s campaign revealed,” connoting the flagrant acts of dishonesty committed by candidates at the time. The image represents a candidate giving a speech in front of his voters. He is standing behind aid packages as donations to specific people whose names are written on the packages. An arrow points to the boxes with a verbal caption that reads “my podium” to connote the message, that “there is no need for persuasive speeches.” Protruding from his pocket is a checkbook with the verbal caption “my favorite novel” to suggest the powerful financial position of the candidate, which makes other qualifications such as education dispensable. In his left hand, he is holding mansaf, a traditional dish of rice and lamb usually served on social occasions to feed a large number of people, with the verbal caption “my attracting [satellite] dish.” The cartoonist plays on the polysemous meaning of dish as referring to ‘satellite dish’ or ‘dish of food,’ with the second meaning intended. The use of the word laqit (which translates as ‘attracting’) originally refers in Arabic to attracting or receiving signals, but it is intended here as the act of attracting people to vote by serving food to them. This communicates the message that the candidate does not need interviews or advertising on satellite channels to convince voters; if they are fed, they will be convinced. In the other hand, he holds a banknote of fifty dinars divided into two parts, with the expression “my manifesto,” meaning that he does not need to talk about his election program; in essence, money is enough. The two parts allude to a common practice at the time whereby half a banknote would be given to an individual before voting and the other after voting. At the bottom right of the image is a safe and an arrow pointing to it with a caption reading “my solid base,” suggesting that no education, experience or political stances are necessary. On the left there is a gas cylinder and the caption istiwanti, which has two meanings: “my gas cylinder” and “my CD.” This cartoon alludes to the candidates’ practices in the 2007 elections, when they took advantage of popular resentment and protests about a government-imposed hike in the price of home cooking gas cylinders. The candidates thus exploited people’s economic hardships to obtain their votes, which presented a cruel image of the candidates and a degrading image of the public.
6 Summary of findings
This study argued that the Arab Spring uprisings initiated by youth through social media in 2011 have left traces on every aspect of life in Jordanian society and the Arab world in general. The present study was an attempt to depict the Jordanian sociopolitical context after 2011 and to focus on the changes in people’s practices and stances toward politics and politicians in Jordan. To investigate these changes, a semiotic approach was adopted in the analysis of cartoons published in two periods in Jordan, those published before 2011 (during the 2007 and 2010 elections) and those published during the 2013 elections. Six representative cartoons out of a sample of 57 were selected and classified according to the themes they represented. These were analyzed in terms of the messages they conveyed. Three thematic representations were identified in the data: representation of the youth, representation of the practices of the public, and representation of candidates’ practices. Three dichotomies representing the pre- and post-Arab Spring period were observed in these representations: young people’s passive electoral role versus their active role; public ignorance versus public awareness of political issues; and resistance to political money versus the use of political money. These themes and dichotomies were analyzed in terms of Barthes’ three messages (signs) of semiotics, namely, the linguistic message, which consists of verbal/textual elements; the denoted message, which concerns the images and their literal representations; and the connoted message, which is symbolic. Regarding the linguistic message, the analysis revealed specific verbal techniques that cartoonists used as means of criticism and humor, including the use of puns, wordplay, polysemes, homographs or homophones, intertextuality, code-switching, allusion, and cultural borrowings. Most of the linguistic messages include a punchline that creates a sarcastic, humorous effect. With regard to the denoted message, physical representations (which include exaggerations, analogies, drawings, colors, facial expressions, gestures, clothes, and objects that represent actual situations) are used in a humorous, sarcastic context, making them second-order representations that are far from literal. In combination with the linguistic elements, they produce a symbolic connoted message realized through anchorage and relay, the complementary relationship between the linguistic and the denoted messages. This complementarity representing each theme is summarized as follows.
Concerning the representation of the youth, the analysis revealed a shift in thematic representation in the 2013 cartoons. No representation of the youth was found in the data from Hajjaj’s collection of political cartoons from 2007 to 2010, which may suggest that the youth did not have a specific role in political life. Even in the 2007 cartoon taken from another source, the youth were portrayed as indifferent people with no political interest who were taken in by pop stars. In the cartoons produced in 2013, however, young voters were portrayed as smart, confident and vigilant, an image that did not exist in previous elections. The candidates, in contrast, were depicted as deceptive. This image was connoted linguistically through code-mixing and intertextual borrowings implying a knowledgeable young generation and allusions to the 2011 uprisings that were initiated by the youth with the help of smartphones and social networking websites, mainly Facebook, and Twitter,. These services played an important role in raising public awareness of politicians’ practices. The denoted visual message reinforces the deceptive image of candidates through the exaggerated visual images of triviality, represented by symbols such as the feather, false glamor and other symbolic images. The sarcastic drawings carry the connotation that the younger generation can no longer be fooled by the appearances and artificial politeness of corrupt candidates.
The theme of the representation of the public was highlighted in the 2013 cartoons by a positive image of the public, which casts doubt on the voting system and candidates’ intentions. Unlike the cartoons of 2007 and 2010 (which portrayed the public as passive, ignorant, naive, oppressed, indifferent and lacking dignity), the cartoons of 2013 represented the public as having confidence, dignity, self-esteem, self-respect, and awareness of the dubious tricks and practices that accompanied the electoral campaigns. These connotations are derived from the linguistic message through wordplay and manipulation of the verbal captions that highlight the corrupt behavior of the candidates and complemented by the denoted message of candidates behind bars, alluding to corruption scandals that were uncovered in 2011. These connotations are reinforced by the image of a citizen turning his back on election slogans with a skeptical look. This positive image of the public did not exist in electoral cartoons published before 2011.
Regarding the representation of candidate practices, most of the cartoons from 2007 to 2010 election cycles highlighted the use of political money by candidates, alluding to real instances of offering cash to potential voters to secure their votes. In 2013, this was highlighted through the images of voters rejecting political money and boycotting the elections. This representation was connoted in the linguistic message through silence on the part of the citizen and the use of puns and wordplay on the part of the candidate. The denoted message was represented by the empty voting card and the citizen’s facial expression of anger in response to the candidate’s bribery attempts. This image of a silent angry man who refuses political money did not appear before this time. In 2007 and 2010, the public was depicted as receptive to offers of money and ready to sell votes.
In conclusion, the analysis revealed that the Arab Spring in 2011 left its fingerprints on the political cartoons of 2013. Unlike cartoons published prior to 2011 on the topic of elections (which depicted the public as ignorant, greedy and oppressed), the cartoons of the 2013 elections connoted a celebration of what was seen as the victory of the young in the Arab Spring. The cartoons transmitted a sense of awareness, salvation, achievement, victory, freedom, dignity and democracy, merits that people in the Arab world have been striving to achieve for centuries in the face of successive colonial powers and local dictatorships. It must be noted, however, that recently, feelings of despair and frustration have taken over after the setbacks in most of the Arab Spring countries, and what seemed to be a dream come true has turned out to be a nightmare for all Arabs. Cartoonists have encoded these setbacks in their subsequent post-Arab Spring cartoons, which will be the topic of the researchers’ next study.
7 Concluding remarks
The authors claim that this study is the first to examine the signs of public attitudinal changes toward politics and politicians in cartoons highlighting the post-Arab Spring sociopolitical context in Jordan. This study presents a thematic analysis of representation at the three levels of messages: linguistic, denoted and connoted messages. The verbo-pictorial elements in the sample cartoons were carefully chosen to connote specific themes representing the positive influence of the Arab Spring on Jordanian society. Previous research on Arabic cartoons has approached them from a pragmatic point of view, focusing on implicature and Grice’s maxims of conversation. However, focusing on the linguistic aspect in cartoons is not sufficient to explain the ideological and attitudinal issues relevant to the socio-political context that has given rise to the cartoons. The verbo-pictorial images encoded in the cartoons are treated as signs, and the intersemiotic complementary relationship between these signs allows the representation of these issues. This study claims that the different signs in cartoons after political revolutions such as the Arab Spring tend to enhance in-group community by representing positive social and ideological values. The humor in these cartoons is believed to have a positive effect on the target readers (the Jordanian and Arab public, in this case), who have dreamed of democracy, equality and justice for decades.
The authors hope that this study will add value to existing research in the fields of humor and semiotics, discourse analysis, critical discourse analysis, and multimodality. The authors believe the study provides new insights into humor research by showing how humorous exaggerations and analogies can be placed in the service of ideology. This paper aimed to provide new insights in the field of semiotics by examining how signs in verbo-pictorial images collaborate to connote specific meanings relevant to the socio-political values of a given society. Finally, the authors hope this study will allow ordinary local readers as well as readers in other parts of the world to understand the hidden discourses and practices encoded in cartoons and thus will promote cross-cultural understanding. The study may also be of significant value to educators, especially in the teaching of relevant advanced courses at the university level.
About the authors
Kawakib Al-Momani is an Associate Professor of applied linguistics at the Department of English Language and Linguistics, Jordan University of Science and Technology, Jordan. She earned her B.A at Yarmouk University in Jordan, her M.A. from Salford University, UK, and her doctorate degree in Linguistics from Herriot-Watt University, UK. Her research interests focus on semiotics, critical discourse analysis, discourse analysis, Genre analysis, and pragmatics.
Muhammad A. Badarneh is Associate Professor of Linguistics at the Department of English Language and Linguistics, Jordan University of Science and Technology, Jordan. His research interests focus on pragmatics, discourse and communication.
Fathi Migdadi is an associate professor in linguistics and the director of the Language Center at Jordan University of Science and Technology. He earned his B.A and M.A. from Yarmouk University in Jordan and his doctorate degree in Linguistics from Ball State University, USA. His research interests focus on discourse analysis, conversational analysis, semiotics and speech act theory. He has published in cross-cultural communication, the pragmatics of religious expressions in Jordanian Arabic and the politeness strategies of callers in complaint calls in phone-in programs.
Acknowledgement
We the authors of this article hereby extend our deepest thanks and gratitude to the famous cartoonist Imad Hajjaj who gave us permission to use his cartoons for research purposes.
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Note
Some of the 2007 election’s images in this article were used in a presentation at the 2010 Humor conference in Hong Kong by the authors.
©2017 by De Gruyter Mouton
