http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2913-7225
Figures
Abstract
The native groups of Patagonia have relied on a hunter-gatherer economy well after the first Europeans and North Americans reached this part of the world. The large exploitation of marine mammals (i.e., seals) by such allochthonous groups has had a strong impact on the local ecology in a way that might have forced the natives to adjust their subsistence strategies. Similarly, the introduction of new foods might have changed local diet. These are the premises of our isotopic-based analysis. There is a large set of paleonutritional investigations through isotopic analysis on Fuegians groups, however a systematic exploration of food practices across time in relation to possible pre- and post-contact changes is still lacking. In this paper we investigate dietary variation in hunter-gatherer groups of Tierra del Fuego in a diachronic perspective, through measuring the isotopic ratio of carbon (∂13C) and nitrogen (∂15N) in the bone collagen of human and a selection of terrestrial and marine animal samples. The data obtained reveal an unexpected isotopic uniformity across prehistoric and recent groups, with little variation in both carbon and nitrogen mean values, which we interpret as the possible evidence of resilience among these groups and persistence of subsistence strategies, allowing inferences on the dramatic contraction (and extinction) of Fuegian populations.
Citation: Tafuri MA, Zangrando AFJ, Tessone A, Kochi S, Moggi Cecchi J, Di Vincenzo F, et al. (2017) Dietary resilience among hunter-gatherers of Tierra del Fuego: Isotopic evidence in a diachronic perspective. PLoS ONE 12(4): e0175594. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0175594
Editor: Michael D. Petraglia, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, GERMANY
Received: January 5, 2017; Accepted: March 28, 2017; Published: April 13, 2017
Copyright: © 2017 Tafuri et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.
Funding: Part of this research was funded by the Marie Curie Action granted to MAT. The funders had no role in the study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. There was no additional external funding received for this study.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Introduction
The southern tip of South America is an archipelago of large and small islands that form an intricate network of channels. The landscape is characterized by mountainous terrain whose slopes are covered by a dense forest of the Nothofagus genus. The Beagle Channel is one of the main watercourses in this system, and runs from East to West almost in a straight line along the south coast of Isla Grande, separating it from the remaining islands of the south and southeast of the Tierra del Fuego archipelago (Fig 1).
Key: 1: Bove’s collection; 2: Aeroclub; 3: Shamakush-Mischiuen 3; 4: Paiashauaia 1; 5: Acatushun—Harberton Cementario; 6: Imiwaia.
This region was inhabited by maritime hunter-gatherers societies from 6400 BP until their nearly total transculturation in the late nineteenth century [1, 2]. These groups were generically referred to as canoeros (i.e., people of the canoes) and included Yámanas (or Yaghans) and Alacalufs. They inhabited two distinct areas in the Fuegian Archipelago in the late 19th century: the Yámanas populated the central and eastern portion of the Beagle Channel and the group of islands up to Cape Horn, while the Alacalufs occupied the western part of the Beagle Channel and of the Fuegian archipelago. The ethnographic sources available describe both groups as having a well-defined marine subsistence, with no significant differences in the dietary regime of these populations [3].
Earlier zooarchaeological studies on the Americas more in general and on Tierra del Fuego in particular have highlighted how the exploitation of aquatic resources, both marine and freshwater, was central to human adaptation in the area. They also pointed at the complexity of foraging strategies across the Late Pleistocene to historical times [4]. As an example, wide ranges of fish mobility were identified in the Holocene zooarchaeological record of the Beagle Channel and surrounding areas, where the exploitation of pelagic fish was also implied [5, 6].
Further, faunal analyses from archaeological sites across the Beagle Channel have highlighted the subsistence of these societies by the procurement of diverse marine and coastal animals, including marine mammals, guanacos, birds, fish, and mussels [1]. Although recent research has observed variations in human-animal relationships during the Middle-Late Holocene [5–7], pinnipeds have remained a critical dietary staple for these marine foragers. Moreover, some scholars believe that these resources were the basis of subsistence throughout the entire occupational sequence, providing an irreplaceable food source [2, 8]. In this regard, only in the nineteenth century, and with the arrival of European and North American sealers, the subsistence and behavioral patterns of these groups would have been seriously compromised [1, 2, 9, 10]. Hence, once contact was established, we should assume that the exploitation of the Patagonian landscape and the introduction of new foods by the Europeans have had an impact on the diet of the natives.
There is a generous literature on acculturation linked to colonialism, and its discussion goes beyond the scopes of this paper. We rather focus our analysis on some of the natural and cultural processes that might have ultimately contributed to the extinction of the Fuegians or their definitive assimilation by Western cultures [11]. By contrast, we consider several accounts on the cultural continuity and the ‘resistance’ (e.g. [12, 13]) of the native groups of Patagonia to external pressure, which appears to be linked to their foraging regime and a general cultural persistence throughout time.
One way to explore continuity vs. change in dietary practices after the arrival of European populations is by conducting an isotopic investigation on human remains in the region through a diachronic perspective. Earlier isotopic studies have explored diet among ancient groups in the Beagle Channel [14–17] and in the Western Archipelago [18, 19], confirming the evidence deriving from paleobotanical and faunal records. However very little is known about historical populations and variation throughout the contact period. One of the reasons for this was given by the paucity of human remains of Fuegian native populations of the 19th century.
The two skeletal collections of Fuegians recovered by Captain G. Bove in 1881 and 1883 and stored respectively in the Museo di Storia Naturale in Florence and the Museo di Antropologia G. Sergi of Sapienza University of Rome, in Italy offer new contribution to this discussion. The history of the recovery and the composition of the assemblages are fully described in a paper by Marangoni et al. [20]. Both assemblages are described in Bove’s reports [21], and were given to the Captain by Yaghans settled in the area of Yendegaia, near Ushuaia (Fig 1). Considering Bove’s notes, those human remains refer to family members to whom the natives related; we thus suggest a tentative attribution to the first half of the 19th century.
Pre-contact human bone remains in the research area were unearthed mainly through excavations conducted by the Proyecto Arqueológico Canal Beagle (Fig 1), and are currently preserved in the Fin del Mundo Museum, Ushuaia. Further bone remains corresponding to four individuals were donated to the Museo Etnográfico of Buenos Aires in the early twentieth century [17]. The information regarding mortuary contexts and excavation procedures has been described in Tessone [22], Piana et al. [23] and Vila et al [24]. In most cases human remains were found in primary position in shell middens and / or rock crevices. All samples are attributed to the late Holocene, among which only two individuals have been buried in historical phases: Acatushun and Harberton Cementerio [25].
Together with human remains, faunal samples gathered from different archaeological context were added to the dataset to provide an isotopic baseline. Most species selected are usually represented in the zooarchaeological record of the Beagle Channel as common food staples (with the exception of the fox).
Materials and methods
We discuss here the isotope data of 42 humans and 166 animal specimens from different collections. The pre-contact subset excavated in the Beagle Channel counts 9 complete or almost complete skeletons (7 adults, 1 subadult and 1 infant). The post-contact subset excavated in the same region counts 2 almost complete skeletons (Acatushún and Harberton Cementerio), both corresponding to adults. Bone collagen extraction for stable isotopes analysis was carried out on ribs in good state of preservation. We included in the analysis data from comparative human material, such as the infant presented by Orquera and Piana [8], together with information reported by Yesner et al. [17] for the human remains of 4 adults from other areas of the archipelago.
The bone assemblages from Italy have a very different composition: the remains from Florence refer to a commingled set that arrived at the Museum in such a state, so that the skulls identified could not be reconnected with the post-cranial; on the basis of the crania observed we should consider a MNI of 12. Sampling for isotopic analysis was carried out on the skulls (namely, on portions of the vomer or the perpendicular plate of the ethmoid). The subset from Rome includes fifteen complete or almost complete skeletons (13 adults, 1 juvenile, 1 infant) in good state of preservation. Captain Bove recovered eleven of these during his trip, while the further samples were later acquired by the Rome museum through a donation. Sampling for isotopic analysis was carried out on the ribs of 14 individuals, with the exception of the infant, which was deliberately excluded to avoid damage to the skeletal elements (i.e., only the skull was preserved and sampling attempts resulted very invasive).
For all humans a general indication of sex and age at death of the individual is provided together with chronological attribution (Table 1).
Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios for human collagen with data quality indicator (% of collagen %C, %N, C/N).
The faunal bones were recovered from archaeological sites on the north coast of the Beagle Channel, spanning from the Middle to the Late Holocene (Table 2), published in detail in Zangrando et al. [26, 27] and Kochi [28]. They are not directly associated with the Argentinian subset, given that most sites excavated were primary burials outside of residence areas and did not provide a faunal record. They are however comparable with the human remains in term of location and chronological attribution. In detail, the subset of terrestrial animals is composed of 32 samples of guanacos (Lama guanicoe) and 3 samples of andean fox (Lycalopex culpaeus). The aquatic group is more diverse: it comprises 46 samples of southern fur seals (Arctocephalus australis), 2 samples of otter (Lontra provocax), 10 samples of albatross (Thalassarche sp.) and 11 cormorants (Phalacrocorax sp.). It further includes 45 samples of pelagic fishes, which include hakes (Macronus magellanicus), snoeks (Thyrsites atun), southern hakes (Merluccius sp.), together with 2 samples of coastal fish species (Eleginops maclovinus). We further discuss data on modern samples of mussels (N = 15), partially presented in Zangrando et al. [26, 27] and Kochi [28].
Mean carbon and nitrogen ratios and C/N (with standard deviation) for animal taxa examined.
Collagen extraction and sample preparation for isotopic analysis followed two slightly different methods, given that analyses were run at respective laboratories in Italy and Argentina. Both methods derive from Longin’s [29] standard, as described below.
Italian subset
Following Brown et al. method [30], cortical bone (0.5 g) was cleaned by sand abrasion and demineralized in 0.5M solution of HCl at 4°C for at least four days. The samples were then rinsed to neutral pH and gelatinized in pH 3 HCl at 70°C for 48 hours. The collagen solution was filtered off with 5–8 μm Ezee filters, frozen, and then freeze-dried. Each of the collagen extracts was weighed (ca. 1 mg) in triplicate into tin capsules, and stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios were measured using an automated elemental analyzer coupled in continuous-flow mode to an isotope-ratio-monitoring mass spectrometer (Costech elemental analyzer coupled to a Thermo Finnigan MAT253 mass spectrometer). Analysis was carried out at the Godwin Laboratory, University of Cambridge (UK).
Argentinian subset
Bone fragments were cleaned with abrasive elements and ultrasonic baths. Each sample of approximately 0.3g was soaked in dilute HCl (0.5%), which was changed every 24–48 h. Then, it was rinsed with distilled water and treated with 0.125% solution of NaOH for 20 hrs. Finally, the collagen extracted was dried in an oven at 40°C for hrs. [31].
Measurement of 13C/12C and 15N/14N ratios in the collagen fraction was performed with a Carlo Erba EA1108 Elemental Analyzer (CHN), connected to a continuous flow Thermo Scientific Delta V Advantage mass spectrometer through a Thermo Scientific ConFlo IV interface.
For both subsets stable isotope results are expressed as the ratio of the heavier isotope to the lighter isotope (13C/12C or 15N/14N) and reported as ∂ values in parts per thousand (‰), relative to internationally defined standards for carbon (Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite, VPDB) and nitrogen (Ambient Inhalable Reservoir, AIR). Based on replicate analyses of international and laboratory (i.e., alanine, nylon, caffeine, USGS40, EMC) standards, measurement errors are less than ± 0.2‰ for ∂13C and ∂15N. The collagen yield, the percentage of carbon and nitrogen, and the atomic C/N ratio of each sample were also recorded to check collagen quality [32–34]. Finally, the modern fauna samples were corrected for carbon by adding 1‰ due to the Suess effect [35]. The historic human samples of Bove’s collections were not corrected for this effect [36], considering their estimated chronology.
Results obtained where analyzed through descriptive statistics and non-parametric tests using IBM SPSS ver. 23.
Results
Table 1 provides data on collagen yields, C/N ratios and collagen isotopic values of the sampled humans, with mean carbon and nitrogen isotope values and C/N ratios from collagen of animals presented in Table 2. For all the samples studied collagen yield and C/N ratios confirm that isotopic signals are to be considered reliable.
Carbon isotope values of collagen from terrestrial animals are typical of mammals feeding on C3 plants (mean ∂13C between -18.3‰ and -20.6‰). Variation in nitrogen isotope values (∂15N) is highest, and it ranges from 9‰ (fox) to 0.5‰ (guanaco); the very low values for the guanacos can be explained by some consumption of lichens (Usnea sp.) with very low ∂15N values (-10.8 to -17.5 ‰) [28].
As expected, the marine vertebrate resources have higher ∂13C and ∂15N values than the terrestrial herbivores, with means of -12.2‰±0.8‰ and 17.1‰±1.9‰ respectively. Little variation in isotope means is observed for seals, seabirds and fish. Three species of pelagic fish (Macruronus magellanicus, Thyrsites atun, Merluccius sp.) have ∂13C values with means ranging from -11.6‰ to -12.8‰, and mean ∂15N values range from 17.0‰ to 15.3‰. Carbon isotope values from collagen of seabirds and southern fur seal are similar to those for pelagic fish. For ∂15N values, it is worth noticing that albatrosses have higher mean values than other marine resources. In the other extreme of the marine food web, mussels are presented with the lower mean values for ∂13C (-16.2‰±0.6) and ∂15N (11.1‰±0.5), which are significantly different from those of the marine vertebrates.
Among the estuary resources, Lontra provocax has much heavier isotope mean values than marine resources (-10.7‰ for ∂13C and 21.1‰ for ∂15N), and Eleginops maclovinus has analogous values to those of pelagic fish.
The ∂13C and ∂15N values of human remains range from almost completely marine-derived diets (-11.1‰ and 18.1‰) to values that could reflect entirely terrestrial food composition (-18.5‰ and 10.6‰). However, more than 90% of values are grouped in the ranges -11.1 and -13.3 ‰ for ∂13C and 18.1 and 17.2 ‰ for ∂15N, which indicates mainly marine-based diets (Fig 2).
Frequency of stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values.
The mean ∂13C and ∂15N values of the humans are -12.4±1.4‰ and 18.0±1.9‰, and the medians respectively -12.1‰ and 18.4‰. If we exclude the few cases (N = 3) that could reflect up to 50% terrestrial food composition, the means and medians do not significantly change: mean ∂13C and ∂15N values are -12.0±0.6‰ and 18.5±0.9‰, and the medians respectively are -12.0‰ and 18.5‰. The correlation between ∂13C and ∂15N in human values is significant (r2 = 73.9 p = 0.0001) (Fig 3).
∂13C and ∂15N (‰) of human samples with associated animal mean values and standard deviation. The three human subsets are kept separate.
In general, the humans cluster in a rather homogeneous group with no significant differences between males and females measured in either carbon or nitrogen values for the three subsets (S1 Table).
Discussion
The transculturation from nomadic/mobile hunting-gathering to sedentary/residential lifestyle is a key process in the history of the Fuegian populations. The overexploitation of pinnipeds produced by European and American sealers, the demographic concentrations in missions and ranches, and the introduction of illnesses by Europeans during the 19th century have produced deep structural changes in the subsistence patterns and demography of native groups. Our data and statistical analysis suggest no differences in dietary practices across time detectable at an isotopic level, which is in counter-tendency with our expectations, and offer some interesting convolution.
The Kolmogorov-Smirnov test shows that there is no statistical difference in ∂15N between pre- and post-contact populations (p = 0.185; n = 14 and n = 28 respectively), with slight differences in the distribution of data (S1 Fig). For nitrogen values, isotope data show that post-contact populations kept diet focused on marine resources of high trophic levels. This is particularly interesting: if seals—one of the preferred food sources among the Yamana—were becoming less available because of Europeans and Americans’ exploitation we should assume post-contact consumption of low trophic level species and higher values among pre-contact groups, as a consequence of consumption of high trophic level species. Surprisingly, the post-contact nitrogen data cluster around higher values, against this expectation (Fig 4). However, the reported nitrogen values for some species of seabirds and pelagic fish are similar, and even higher, to those of fur seals in the southern South Atlantic, indicating analogous trophic levels. Therefore, a change in subsistence redirected towards the exploitation of such minor resources should not necessarily have implied a change in the trophic levels.
Box and whisker plot of nitrogen and carbon values for pre- and post-contact human populations. Nitrogen median values show little differences between pre-contact and post-contact phases.
The descriptive statistics presented in Table 3 is also noteworthy: it shows a difference of 1.2‰ between the mean ∂15N values, and a lesser distance between the medians (0.5‰), which do not support a significant change in trophic terms.
Descriptive statistics for the human sample only, according to chronological phase.
We prompt to think that this difference in the mean ∂15N values could be describing a variation in the diet, indicating the consumption of fewer lower marine trophic level resources or more high-trophic level marine species. A decrease in the consumption of shellfish by post-contact populations might be supported by historical documents: the setting-up of the Anglican Mission in Ushuaia by the end of 1860s led to the demographic concentration and semi-sedentism of the native population in few years. There were almost permanently residing between 10 and 18 Yamana families, and every year the Mission received hundreds of Yamana people where they stayed from four to six months [37–39]. Such concentration of persons and such reduction in mobility certainly should have resulted in the overexploitation of local resources, especially shellfish [1]. Given the ∂15N lighter values on shellfish in comparison with other marine resources, the high nitrogen values in post-contact human remains could be describing accordingly less accessibility to those resources.
The Fuegian landscape shows little seasonal variation in the environment, with oxygen isotopic analyses indicating a shift in mean annual temperature that ranges between 1 and 2°C across several centuries (i.e., between the Medieval Climatic Anomaly and the Little Ice Age) [40], with paleobotanical data [41, 42] suggesting little changes in the local vegetation over the last six millennia. Similarly, archaeological data [43] show that human occupation in the area is uninterrupted, with a general uniformity in cultural practices. Across time human groups settled in Tierra del Fuego display a general continuity, either in cultural practices or in technological complexity, with rare innovations. This appears to be true also for what concerns diet, as types of food consumed and levels of protein intake appear to remain unchanged across several centuries. According to Orquera and colleagues [43], “in spite of its simplicity, the system was successful. Its collapse happened by the end of the 19th century, and was caused by the catastrophic pinniped depredation carried out by Euro-American, Chilean and Argentine groups, as well as by the introduction of sickness against which the indigenous populations had no immunity”. Under such circumstances, it is possible that the subsistence patterns of the marine hunter-gatherers of the Beagle Channel based on the exploitation of a high diversity of resources have given to these populations a resilience to cope with the hunting of fur seals by industrial populations. The overall consistency in isotope data might hence be interpreted in cultural terms. We propose here that: i) post-contact societies might have experienced a significant reduction in the consumption of pinnipeds, which was compensated through the intake of other aquatic mammals (i.e., seabirds and fish with similar nitrogen levels), with effects of such shift in the diet not detectable at the isotopic level; at the same time, ii) a significant decrease in the consumption of molluscs by post-contact populations might have driven up their nitrogen values;
The human ecological resilience of the Fuegian groups expressed in the search for nutrional alternatives can be perceived, as anticipated, as the evidence of a cultural resistance, which goes along with a general stability of these people. Here, the idea of resistance is not linked to noncompliance [44], as in the lack of negotiation of traditions. Rather, it is perceived as the tendency to persist in the expression of specific traditions (the hunting/fishing of aquatic species), despite external stimuli and/or the knowledge of alternatives. For the Fuegians, such resistance seems to translate in a striking uniformity of dietary practices across several centuries, as mirrored in the isotopic ratios of the skeletal tissues. Furthermore, considering that the contribution to collagen of different types of dietary proteins appears to remain constant throughout time, we might need to reconsider the influence of diseases as the main factor in the dramatic contraction (and eventually extinction) of Fuegian populations.
Supporting information
S1 Table. Statistics report.
Summary of the Mann-Whitney U test for human carbon and nitrogen data according to sex. The three subsets are kept separate. For the Ushuaia subset 7 individuals were excluded, as no sex estimate was available.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0175594.s001
(DOCX)
S1 Fig. Biplot of stable carbon and nitrogen data.
Mean humans∂13C and ∂15N values (with sd) for pre-contact (n = 14) and post-contact (n = 28) subsets.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0175594.s002
(DOCX)
Acknowledgments
We thank Mike Hall and James Rolfe at the Godwin Lab, Department of Earth Sciences, University of Cambridge for help with isotopic analyses on the Italian material, and Catherine Kneale, Louise Butterworth and Hazel Reade, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, for help in sample preparation and analysis. The Curator, Dr. Monica Zavattaro, whose assistance is gratefully acknowledged, granted access to the collection and permit to sample the specimens at the Museum in Florence. We thank Maria Luana Belli and Aurelio Marangoni for assistance with sampling of the skeletons preserved in Rome. No further permits were required for the described study, which complied with all relevant regulations. We thank the reviewers for precious comments on the paper.
Author Contributions
- Conceptualization: MAT AFJZ AT SK JMC FDV AP GM.
- Data curation: MAT AFJZ AT SK.
- Formal analysis: MAT AFJZ.
- Funding acquisition: MAT.
- Investigation: MAT.
- Methodology: MAT AFJZ.
- Project administration: MAT AFJZ.
- Resources: MAT AFJZ.
- Software: MAT AFJZ.
- Visualization: MAT, ATJZ.
- Writing – original draft: MAT, AFJZ.
- Writing – review & editing: MAT, AFJZ, AT, SK, JMC, FDV, AP, GM.
References
- 1.
Orquera LA, Piana EL. Arqueología de la región del Canal Beagle: Tierra del Fuego, República Argentina: Sociedad Argentina de Antropología; 1999.
- 2. Piana EL, Orquera LA. The Southern Top of the World: The First Peopling of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego and the Cultural Endurance of the Fuegian Sea-Nomads. Artic Anthropology. 2009;46(1–2):103–17.
- 3.
Gusinde M, Blixen O, Hoffmann W. Los yamana: Centro Argentino de Etnología Americana, Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; 1986.
- 4. Béarez P, Zangrando AF. Ichthyoarchaeology in the Americas: An introduction. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports. 2016;8:445–6.
- 5. Tivoli A. Exploitation of bird resources among prehistoric sea-nomad societies of the Beagle Channel region, southern South America. Before Farming. 2010;2010(2):1–12.
- 6. Zangrando AF. Is fishing intensification a direct route to hunter-gatherer complexity? A case study from the Beagle Channel region (Tierra del Fuego, southern South America). World Archaeology. 2009;41(4):589–608.
- 7.
Zangrando AF. Historia evolutiva y subsistencia de cazadores-recolectores marítimos de Tierra del Fuego: Sociedad Argentina de Antropología; 2009.
- 8. Orquera LA, Piana EL. El sitio Shamakush 1 (Tierra del Fuego, República Argentina). Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropología. 1996;21.
- 9.
Orquera LA. The Late Nineteenth-Century Crisis in the Survival of the magellan-Fueguian Litoral Natives. In: Briones C, Lanata JL, editors. Archaeological and Anthropological Perspectives on the Native Peoples of Pampa, Patagonia, and Tierra del Fuego to the Nineteenth Century. London: Bergin & Garvey; 2002. p. 145–58.
- 10. Schiavini A. Los lobos marinos como recurso para cazadores-recolectores marinos: El caso de tierra del Fuego. Latin American Antiquity. 1993;4(4):346–66.
- 11.
Bitlloch E. Antiguos pueblos del extremo sur del mundo. Buenos Aires: Libros del Huerquén; 2005.
- 12.
Pauketat TR. The Archaeology of Traditions. Agency and History Before and After Columbus. Tampa: University Press Florida; 2001.
- 13.
Rasnake RN. Domination and Cultural Resistance: Authority and Power among an Andean People. London: Duke University Press; 1988.
- 14. Guichón RA, Barbanera R, Borrero LA. ¿ Dónde y cómo aparecen los restos óseos humanos en Patagonia Austral. Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia. 2001;29:103–18.
- 15. Panarello H, Zangrando AF, Tessone A, Kozameh LF, Testa N. Analisis comparativo de paleodietas humanas entre la region del Canal Beagle y Peninsula Mitre: perspectivas desde los isotopos estables. Magallania. 2006;34(2):37–46.
- 16. Schneider C, Glaser M, Kilian R, Santana A, Butorovic N, Casassa G. Weather observations across the southern Andes at 53 S. Physical Geography. 2003;24(2):97–119.
- 17. Yesner DR, Figuerero Torres MJ, Guichon RA, Borrero LA. Stabe isotope analysis of human bone and ethnoistoric subsistence patterns in Tierra del Fuego. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 2003;22:279–91.
- 18. Alfonso-Durruty MP, Giles B, Misarti N, San Roman M, Morello F. Antiquity and Geographic Distribution of Cranial Modification among the Prehistoric Groups of Fuego-Patagonia. American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 2015;158:607–23. pmid:26301877
- 19. Borrero LA, Guichón RA, Tykot R, Kelly J, Prieto A, Cardenas P. Dieta a partir de isotopos estables en resto oseos humanos de Patagonia Austral. Estado Actual y perspectivas. Anales del Instituto de la Patagonia. 2001;29:119–27.
- 20. Marangoni A, Belli ML, Caramelli D, Moggi Cecchi J, Zavattaro M, Manzi G. Tierra del Fuego, its ancient inhabitants, and the collections of skeletal remains in the Museum of Anthropology of Florence and Rome. Museologia Scientifica. 2011;5(1–2).
- 21.
Bove G. Patagonia—Terra del Fuoco Mari Australi. Rapporto del Tenente Giacomo Bove. Parte I. Genova: Tipografia del Regio Istituto de' Sordo-Muti, 1884.
- 22. Tessone A, Zangrando AF, Valencio S, Panarello H. Isotopos estables del carbonio en restos oseos humanos de la region del canal Beagle Isla Grande de Tierra del Fuego. Revista Argentina de Antropologia Biologica. 2003;5(2):33–43.
- 23. Piana EL, Tessone A, Zangrando AF. Contexto Mortuarios en la region del Canal Beagle…Del hallazgo fortuito a la busqueda sistematica. Magellania. 2006;34(1):103–17.
- 24. Vila A, Casas A, Vicente O. Mischiuen III, un contexto funerario singular en el Canal Beagle (Tierra del Fuego). Revista Espanola del Antropologia Americana. 2006;36(1):45–59.
- 25. Suby JA, Guichón RA, Zangrando AF. Exploraciones osteologicas de la salud de la poblaciones humanas del Canal Beagle. Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de Antropologia. 2011;36:249–70.
- 26. Zangrando AF, Borrazzo KB, Tivoli AM, Alunni DV, Martinoli MP. Heshkaia 35 site: new data on the archaeology of Moat (Tierra del Fuego, Argentina). Revista del Museo de Antropología. 2014;7(1):11–24.
- 27. Zangrando AFJ, Ponce JF, Martinoli MP, Montes A, Piana E, Vanella F. Palaeogeographic changes drove prehistoric fishing practices in the Cambaceres Bay (Tierra del Fuego, Argentina) during the middle and late Holocene. Environmental Archaeology. 2016;21(2):182–92.
- 28.
Kochi S. Paleodietas en cazadores-recolectores-pescadores del canal Beagle durante el Holoceno Tardío. Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires; 2016.
- 29.
Longin R. New method of collagen extraction for radiocarbon dating. 1971.
- 30. Brown TA, Nelson DE, Vogel JS, Southon JR. Improved collagen extraction by modified Longin method. Radiocarbon. 1988;30(2):171–7.
- 31.
Sealy JC. Stable carbon isotopes and prehistoric diets in the southwestern Cape Province, South Africa. Oxford: British Archaeological Report, International Series; 1986.
- 32. Ambrose SH. Preparation and Characterization of Bone and Tooth Collagen for Isotopic Analysis. Journal of Archaeological Science. 1990;17:431–51.
- 33. DeNiro MJ. Postmortem preservation and alteration of in vivo bone collagen isotope ratios in relation to palaeodietary reconstruction. Nature. 1985;317:806–9.
- 34. van Klinken GJ. Bone Collagen Quality Indicators for Palaeodietary and Radiocarbon Measurements. Journal of Archaeological Science. 1999;26:687–95.
- 35. Burton RK, Snodgrass JJ, Gifford-Gonzalez D, Guilderson T, Brown T, Koch PL. Holocene changes in the ecology of northern fur seals: insights from stable isotopes and archaeofauna. Oecologia. 2001;128(1):107–15.
- 36. Friedli H, Lötscher H, Oeschger H, Siegenthaler U, Stauffer B. Ice core record of the C-13/C-12 ratio of atmospheric CO2 in the past two centuries. Nature. 1986;324:237.
- 37.
Bridges T. Letter South American Missionary Magazine. 1873:89.
- 38.
Bridges T. Letter. The South American Missionary Magazine. 1874:23.
- 39.
Bridges T. Letter. The South American Missionary Magazine. 1880:37.
- 40. Obelic B, Alvarez A, Argullós J, Piana EL. Determination of water palaeotemperature in the Beagle Channel (Argentina) during the last 6000 yr through stable isotope composition of Mytilus edulis shells. Quaternary of South America and Antarctic Peninsula. 1998;11(4).
- 41. Heusser CJ. Proceedings of the Seventh International Palynological Congress—Part II Late-glacial and Holocene vegetation and climate of Subantarctic South America. Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology. 1990;65(1):9–15.
- 42. Heusser CJ. Three Late Quaternary pollen diagrams from Southern Patagonia and their palaeoecological implications. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology. 1995;118(1–2):1–24.
- 43. Orquera LA, Legoupil D, Piana EL. Littoral adaptation at the southern end of South America. Quaternary International. 2011;239(1):61–9.
- 44.
Scott JC. Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. New Haven: Yale University Press; 1985.