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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 January 2014
The dominant historiographical trend in Puritan studies, started by Patrick Collinson, stresses the conservative nature of Puritanism. It notes Puritanism's strong opposition to the separatist impulses of some of the godly and the ways in which it was successfully integrated into the Church of England until the innovations of Charles I and Archbishop Laud. Far from being revolutionary, Puritanism was able to contain the disruptive energies of the Reformation within a national church structure. This picture dovetails nicely with the revisionist portrayal of an early seventeenth-century “Unrevolutionary England,” but it sits uneasily with the fratricidal cacophony of 1640s Puritanism.
The picture also sits uneasily with the Antinomian Controversy, the greatest internal dispute of pre-civil wars Puritanism. That controversy shook the infant Massachusetts Bay Colony from 1636 to 1638. Accusations of false doctrine flew back and forth, the government went into tumult, and by the time the crisis had subsided, leading colonists had voluntarily departed or had been banished. In terms of its cultural impact in England, it was probably the single most important event in seventeenth-century American colonial history; publications generated by the controversy were reprinted in England into the nineteenth century.
The Antinomian Controversy, evoking civil wars cacophony but occurring in the previous decade, offers a bridge across the current interpretive chasm between civil wars and pre-civil wars Puritanism. The crisis has generated a wide range of scholarly interpretations, but there is broad agreement that the Boston church, storm center of the crisis, was the source of its disruption.
1 Collinson, Patrick, The Religion of Protestants (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar, The Birthpangs of Protestant England (London, 1988)Google Scholar, and “Sects and the Evolution of Puritanism,” in Puritanism: Transatlantic Perspectives on a Seventeenth-Century Anglo-American Faith, ed. Bremer, Francis J. (Boston, 1993), pp. 147–66Google Scholar. For the historiography of “unrevolutionary England,” see Todd, Margo, “Introduction,” in Reformation to Revolution: Politics and Religion in Early Modern England (London, 1995), pp. 2–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 An extract from Shepard, Thomas, The Parable of the Ten Virgins (hereafter Parable 1831) was published in LondonGoogle Scholar in 1831, with the last British edition being at Aberdeen in 1853. For narratives of the Antinomian Controversy, see Battis, Emery, Saints and Sectaries: Anne Hutchinson and the Antinomian Controversy in the Massachusetts Bay Colony (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1962)Google Scholar; Rutman, Darrett, Winthrop's Boston: Portrait of a Puritan Town, 1630–1649 (New York, 1965), pp. 114–24Google Scholar; Gura, Philip F., A Glimpse of Sion's Glory: Puritan Radicalism in New England, 1620–1660 (Middletown, Conn., 1984)Google Scholar, chap. 9. For the theological issues, see Stoever, William, “A Faire and Easie Way to Heaven”: Covenant Theology and Antinomianism in Early Massachusetts (Middletown, Conn., 1978)Google Scholar.
3 Knight, Janice, Orthodoxies in Massachusetts: Rereading American Puritanism (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar, presents the Antinomian Controversy as the successful attack of one strain of English orthodoxy over another. Foster, Stephen, “New England and the Challenge of Heresy, 1630–1660: The Puritan Controversy in Transatlantic Perspective,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 38 (1981): 624–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar, sees it as driven by a Massachusetts establishment projecting English memories of heresy inappropriately onto a New World screen. Another approach has Hutchinson and Cotton representative of an older Reformed piety being swamped by new Puritan legalism. See Miller, Perry, The New England Mind: From Colony to Province (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 57–65Google Scholar; Kendall, R. T., Calvin and English Calvinism to 1649 (Oxford, 1979)Google Scholar, chap. 12; Delbanco, Andrew, The Puritan Ordeal (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar.
4 For an overview of seventeenth-century Puritan practical divinity, see Stoever, “A Faire and Easie Way.”
5 Seaver, Paul S., Wallington 's World: A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London (Stanford, Calif., 1985)Google Scholar, chap. 2; McGiffert, Michael, ed., God's Plot: Puritan Spirituality in Thomas Shepard's Cambridge (Amherst, Mass., 1994), pp. 1–29, 135–48Google Scholar.
6 Culverwell, Ezekiel, A Treatise of Faith (London, 1623)Google Scholar; Archer, John, Instructions about Right Beleeving (London, 1645)Google Scholar; Storey, Matthew, ed., Two East Anglian Diaries, 1641–1729, Suffolk Records Society, vol. 36 (Woodbridge, 1994)Google Scholar.
7 Preston, John, The New Covenant; or, The Saints Portion, 3d ed. (London, 1629), pp. 400 ff.Google Scholar; Bolton, Robert, Some Generall Directions for a Comfortable Walking with God, 2d ed. (London, 1626), pp. 326–27Google Scholar; Elton, Edward, Three Excellent and Pious Treatises (1623; reprint, London, 1653), pp. 192–93Google Scholar; Willet, Andrew, Hexapla (Cambridge, 1611), pp. 359–60Google Scholar; Grossart, Alexander, ed., The Complete Works of Richard Sibbes (hereafter cited as Works of Sibbes), 7 vols. (Edinburgh, 1862–1864), 3:457, 4:286–87, 5:440–43, 7:377Google Scholar.
8 Cotton, John, The New Covenant (London, 1654), pp. 39–48Google Scholar, for the deceptive parallels between the covenants of works and grace. For his general differences with most Puritan ministers, see Hall, David D., ed., The Antinomian Controversy, 1636–1638: A Documentary History (henceforth cited as AC), 2d ed. (Durham, N.C., 1990), pp. 79–151Google Scholar. Thomas Gataker to Samuel Ward, 11 February 1629/30, Oxford University, Bodleian Library, Tanner MS 71, fol. 35. I thank David Como and Anthony Milton for sharing this reference.
9 The most satisfactory account of Hutchinson's religiosity is in Maclear, James Fulton, “‘The Heart of New England Rent’: The Mystical Element in Early Puritan History,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (1956): 641–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Firmin, Giles, A Brief Review of Mr. Davis's Vindication (London, 1693)Google Scholar, “To the Reader”; AC, p. 382; Shepard, Thomas, The Parable of the Ten Virgins Opened and Applied (London, 1695), p. 209Google Scholar. On the covenant of works, see AC, pp. 264–65; and Dunn, Richard S.et al., eds., The Journal of John Winthrop, 1630–1649 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 205–6Google Scholar; Hutchinson, Edward, A Treatise concerning the Covenant and Baptism (London, 1676), p. 94Google Scholar. On union with Christ and the Holy Spirit, see AC, p. 336; and Groome, Samuel, A Glass for the People of New England (n.p., 1676), p. 9Google Scholar. On sanctification and Hutchinson's reliance on it, see AC, pp. 323–37.
11 Bozeman, T. D., “‘The Glory of the Third Time': John Eaton as Contra-Puritan,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47 (1996): 638–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a brief but very useful survey of the soteriological underground and the literature on it, see Foster, “New England.”
12 Jane Hawkins in England gave trance prophecies of the downfall of the bishops while the local Puritan vicar and his curate took notes. See Public Record Office (PRO), State Papers (SP) 16/141 fols. 96–97, 16/142 fols. 24–25; Hacket, John, Scrinia Reserata (London, 1692), pt. 2, pp. 47–48Google Scholar. She was denied admission to the Boston church because of “unsound opinions” (AC, p. 437). William Coggeshall emigrated from Castle Hedingham, in the vicinity of Colchester, a site of antinomian activity. Coggeshall, it was said, had been a “great professor” in England (Hubbard, William, A General History of New England: From Discovery to MDCLXXX, ed. Harris, William Thaddeus [1815, 1816; reprint, Boston, 1848], p. 343.Google Scholar He settled in Roxbury in 1632 but was dismissed to the Boston church in May 1634. Winthrop recorded that in spite of his being “well knowne & approved of the Churche,” he still had to give a “Confession of his Faithe” (Dunn, et al., eds., Journal, p. 114Google Scholar). In the 1620s William Dyer, a London Puritan (he visited William Prynne during the latter's imprisonment in 1633) had been apprenticed in the London parish of Saint Michaels, Crooked Lane, while the alleged antinomian minister, Robert Shaw, preached from its pulpit. See Dyer, William Allan, “William Dyer,” Rhode Island Historical Society Collections 30 (1937): 25Google Scholar. Mary Dyer was raised in the London parish of Saint Martin's in the Fields, where John Everard had been the vicar.
13 Johnson, Francis, The Wonder Working Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England, ed. Jameson, J. Franklin (1654; reprint, New York, 1910), p. 126Google Scholar. “God sees no sin in his elect” originally arose in the context of theological arguments that did not themselves appear in the Antinomian Controversy.
14 Thomas Dudley claimed at Hutchinson's civil trial in November 1637 (AC, p. 317) that within six months of her arrival, or by the spring of 1634, she “had made parties in the country.” No other statement locates the beginning of controversy remotely so early.
15 Morton, Nathaniel, The New England's Memorial (1662; reprint, Plymouth, Mass., 1826), pp. 148, 188Google Scholar; Mather, Cotton, Magnalia Christi Americana, 2 vols. (1702; reprint, Hartford, Conn., 1853), 1:272, 276, 295, 312–14Google Scholar; AC, pp. 29, 323; Dunn, et al., eds., Journal, pp. 205–6Google Scholar; Forbes, Allyn B.et al., eds., The Winthrop Papers, 5 vols. (Boston, 1929–1947), 3:324–26Google Scholar; Hubbard, , General History, p. 604Google Scholar; Alpert, Helle M., “Robert Keayne: Notes of Sermons by John Cotton and Proceedings of the First Church of Boston from 23 November 1639 to 1 June 1640” (Ph.D. diss., Tufts University, 1974), p. 318Google Scholar; Selement, George, “John Cotton's Hidden Antinomianism,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register 129 (1975): 283–94Google Scholar.
16 Battis, , Saints and Sectaries, pp. 104–5Google Scholar; Knight, , Orthodoxies, p. 53Google Scholar; Ziff, Larzer, The Career of John Cotton: Puritanism and the American Experience (Princeton, N.J., 1962), p. 114Google Scholar; Morgan, Edmund Sears, Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (Boston, 1958), p. 142Google Scholar; Cohen, Charles Lloyd, God's Caress: The Psychology of Puritan Religious Experience (New York, 1986), p. 265Google Scholar; Gura, , Glimpse, p. 244Google Scholar; Robert Keayne Sermon Notebooks, 2 vols., Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 1: 4 May 1627, and 20 August 1628; vol. 2: Month 2, 20, 1645; Notes of Ipswich Preachers, Massachusetts Historical Society, 12 February 1646.
17 Cotton, John (AC, p. 419)Google Scholar later claimed that only a few in his congregation adhered to doctrines more radical than his own, as opposed to admiring the individuals who held them. Historians arguing for a large body of “Hutchinsonians” cite the seventy-two signatures on a petition protesting the conviction of John Wheelwright (see below). But that petition only demonstrates support for Wheelwright; Cotton also protested his conviction.
18 Winthrop, John, A Short Story, ed. Weld, Thomas (London, 1644)Google Scholar, reprinted in AC, p. 205.
19 Bell, Charles H., ed., John Wheelwright, Prince Society Publications 9 (1876): 197Google Scholar; AC, 263, 412.
20 Miller, Perry, Errand into the Wilderness (New York, 1956)Google Scholar; Bozeman, Theodore Dwight, To Live Ancient Lives: The Primitivist Dimension in Puritanism (Chapel Hill, N.C.: 1988)Google Scholar, chap. 3; Cotton, John, A Brief Exposition of the Whole Book of Canticles (London, 1642), pp. 193–98Google Scholar, chap. 7, pp. 239–40, 257–58; Hubbard, , General History, p. 186Google Scholar; Shepard, , Parable of the Ten Virgins Opened and Applied, p. 10Google Scholar; AC, p. 155; Bozeman, , To Live Ancient Lives, p. 229Google Scholar, claims that millennialism was not influential in New England until 1639 but does not discuss this sermon. Ball, Bryan W., A Great Expectation: Eschatological Thought in English Protestantism to 1660 (Leiden, 1975), p. 128Google Scholar; Clapham, Henoch, Antidoton, or a Sovereign Remedy against Heresy and Schism (London, 1600), p. 33Google Scholar; Thomas, Keith, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England (London, 1971), p. 135Google Scholar; Walsham, Alexandra, “‘Frantick Hacket’: Prophecy, Sorcery, Insanity, and the Elizabethan Puritan Movement,” Historical Journal 41 (1998): 46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; AC, pp. 308, 380; Groome, , Glass, p. 9Google Scholar.
21 Hubbard, , General History, 1:280Google Scholar; AC, pp. 207, 381, 168.
22 On the Puritan conception of the church and the importance of orthodoxy to it, see Milton, Anthony, Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought, 1600–1640 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 129CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lake, Peter, Puritans and Anglicans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London, 1988), p. 127Google Scholar and passim; and Coolidge, John, The Pauline Renaissance in England: Puritanism and the Bible (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar, passim.
23 Como, David R., “Puritans and Heretics: Antinomianism and the Contest for Orthodoxy in Early Stuart England” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1998)Google Scholar. For the debate on promises, see n. 24. For the Nye incident, see PRO, SP 16/177/68. I thank Peter Lake and David Como for this reference. Grossart, , ed., Works of Sibbes, 1:53, 5:441–43Google Scholar; Bolton, , Some Generall Directions, pp. 327–28Google Scholar; Preston, , New Covenant, p. 402Google Scholar.
24 Denison, Stephen, “To the Reader,” in The White Wolf (London, 1637)Google Scholar. See, e.g., Sibbes, Richard in Baynes, Paul, A Commentarie upon the First Chapter of the Epistle of Saint Paul, Written to the Ephesians (London, 1618)Google Scholar, sig. A3r. David Como and Peter Lake, “‘Orthodoxy’ and Its Discontents: Dispute Settlement and the Production of ‘Consensus’ in the London (Puritan) ‘Underground,’” in this issue; Gataker to Ward, p. 35; Featly, Daniel, “To the Reader,” in An Apology for a Triall of Faith, by Chibald, William (London, 1623)Google Scholar.
25 Como and Lake, “‘Orthodoxy,’” and “Puritans, Antinomians and Laudians in Caroline London: The Strange Case of Peter Shaw in Contexts,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History (in press); Keeble, N. H. and Nuttal, Geoffrey F., Calendar of the Correspondence of Richard Baxter, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1991), 1:58Google Scholar.
26 Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, Providence Island, 1630–1641: The Other Puritan Colony (New York, 1993), pp. 325–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hutchinson, Thomas, The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay (hereafter cited as History), ed. Mayo, Laurence Shaw, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1936), 1:58, 65Google Scholar; Clarendon, Edward Hyde, The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (Oxford, 1843), p. 75Google Scholar; Hosmer, James K., The Life of Young Sir Henry Vane (Boston, 1889), p. 32Google Scholar; Winthrop, , Journal, pp. 165–68Google Scholar.
27 Hutchinson, Thomas, “Hutchinson in America,” British Library, Egerton MS 2664, p. 13Google Scholar, gave credit to Vane directly; Winthrop, in Short Story, AC p. 264Google Scholar, stated that Hutchinson set up her conventicles after she had the support of “some of eminent place and parts”—Vane is not mentioned openly in Short Story.
28 Dunn, et al., eds., Journal, p. 203Google Scholar; McGiffert, , ed., God's Plot, p. 65Google Scholar; Hutchinson, Thomas, History, 1:58Google Scholar; Hubbard, , General History, p. 236Google Scholar. See also Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 3:415–16Google Scholar.
29 AC, pp. 26–27.
30 AC, pp. 28–29.
31 AC, pp. 27, 29.
32 Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 4:286–87Google Scholar, McGiffert, , ed., God's Plot, pp. 116, 132Google Scholar.
33 Perry Miller argued that the Antinomian Controversy hinged on Cotto's denial of preparation. Stoever, , “A Faire and Easie Way,” pp. 192–99Google Scholar, corrected him; historians continue to repeat the claim. See Cotton, John, A Sermon Preached by the Reverend Mr. John Cotton, Teacher of the First Church in Boston in New England (Boston, 1713), pp. 30–32Google Scholar, and The Covenant of Grace, Discovering the Great Work of a Sinners Reconciliation to God (London, 1655), pp. 20–24, 175–84Google Scholar.
34 Hooker, , “Preface,” in Rogers, John, A Treatise of Faith, 3d ed. (London, 1629)Google Scholar. Shepard said these stages preceded faith and were peculiar to the elect without calling those graces saving. See Albro, John A., ed., The Works of Thomas Shepard, 3 vols. (Boston, 1853), 1:162–63Google Scholar. See also Firmin, Giles, The Real Christian (London, 1670), pp. 88, 107–9Google Scholar. Hartlib Papers, 29/2/55b-56A, as cited in Crawford, J.et al., eds., The Hartlib Papers: A Complete Text and Image Database of the Papers of Samuel Hartlib (c. 1600–1662) Held in Sheffield University Library; Prepared by Members of the Hartlib Papers Project (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1995)Google Scholar. For Cotton, see AC, pp. 175–77. Firmin, , Real Christian, p. 19Google Scholar; Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 4th ser. (1865), 6:10–11Google Scholar; Hubbard, , General History, p. 173Google Scholar; PRO, SP, C/O 1/9, fol. 159.
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36 Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 3:328Google Scholar.
37 Dunn, et al., eds., Journal, pp. 169, 173–74Google Scholar; Shurtleff, Nathaniel, ed., Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, 5 vols. (Boston, 1854), 1:168Google Scholar; Shepard, , Works, 1:cxxixGoogle Scholar.
38 AC, p. 413; Johnson, , Wonder Working Providence, pp. 128, 134–36Google Scholar; Memoirs of Capt. Roger Clap (Boston, 1731), pp. 15Google Scholar; Pope, Robert E., ed., The Notebook of the Reverend John Fiske, 1644–1675, Colonial Society of MassachusettsGoogle Scholar, Collections 47 (1975): 7Google Scholar.
39 AC, pp. 63–64, 320, 322, 333, 344, 364.
40 Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 3:339Google Scholar; Bremer, Francis, “The Heritage of John Winthrop; Religion along the Stour Valley,” New England Quarterly 70 (1997): 534CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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42 Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 3:326–32, 415Google Scholar.
43 Dunn, et al., eds., Journal, p. 205Google Scholar; AC, pp. 210, 420.
44 Forbes, et al., eds., Winthrop Papers, 3:324–26Google Scholar.
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47 Wheelwright, , Brief and Plaine Apology, p. 7Google Scholar. A list of what appear to be the specific charges by the ministers exists in the Hartlib Papers, 40/1/7A; Groom, , Glass, p. 6Google Scholar.
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