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Modes of Silence and Resistance: Chilean Documentary and Gendered Torture

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Screening the Tortured Body

Abstract

Since the collapse of the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973–1989), documentary film has become an important vehicle for the denouncement of the regime’s destruction of Chile’s democratic institutions, its sweeping reversal of reforms initiated by the Popular Unity (1970–1973), and its systematic persecution of opposing voices. Among the visual memory archives that bear witness to the horrors of detention, a small number shed light on the gendered dimensions of subjugation of female prisoners. The common thread that unites women’s testimonies is a criticism of the regime’s practices of repression, but whereas some narrations voice detailed recollections of sexualised assault, others focus instead on memories of solidarity in the context of confinement. For some critics, silence on sexualised torture reveals the survivor’s need to erase the traces of trauma, and for others such voids bespeak the humiliation surrounding rape. I agree that these omissions are related to the survivor’s limited or unwanted access to recall, but I also believe that the act of withholding can be read as a form of resistance. By comparing Patricio Guzmán’s El caso Pinochet (2001) with Carmen Castillo’s La flaca Alejandra (1994) and Calle Santa Fe (2008), I contend that the non-fiction genre effectively stages the dilemma that women survivors face as they attempt to structure a public testimony of sexualised torture to address the question of redress on one hand, and to rebuild a collective political identity based on a narrative of resistance on the other. Rape testimony could potentially coexist with an account of political activism, however these documentaries show the challenges of combining them given the stigmatisation of rape that debases victims. Circumventing stories of feminised violence and emphasising instead memories of empowerment therefore becomes an act of agency and narrative control, even if this move fails to deconstruct rape as a source of shame.

I want to express my gratitude to the filmmakers whose work I analyse in this essay. I am particularly grateful to Patricio Guzmán who graciously responded to my inquiries. My thanks also go out to Mark de Valk for inviting me to contribute to this book. For their insights and support I also thank Jamie Landau, Chitra Akkoor, Emily Robins Sharpe, Patricia Pedroza, Debra White-Stanley, James Waller, Paul Vincent, Perry Cohen, Sander Lee, Sara Hottinger, Laurie Stuhlbarg, Jiwon Ahn and Henry Knight. I am always indebted to Michael Lazzara and Gina Herrmann, whose work has contributed greatly to my understanding of post-dictatorial thought and representation. Finally, I thank my constant interlocutor and compañero, Carlos Vicente.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I was introduced to the text Sexual Violence against Jewish Women during the Holocaust through Gina Herrmann’s essay on the representation of sexualized violence in the testimonies of Spanish Republican women survivors of the Franco Dictatorship. See Tapestry of Memory: Evidence and Testimony in Life-Story Narratives.

  2. 2.

    The mission of the report was to officially document the abuses and to provide some form of social redress and indemnity (health care, access to education and a monthly payment); however as former president Lagos himself stated, the pain of the prisoner-survivors “cannot be repaired except minimally” (Stern: 289). Furthermore, “the Valech Commission did not name perpetrators” (Stern: 327). Therefore, they could not be used in trials concerning human rights violations.

  3. 3.

    Overall, the Valech Commission certified 3,399 women prisoners or 12.5 % of the total (Stern 295). As Stern suggests, “the relative presence of women grew swiftly- from only one in ten (9.7 %) in 1973 to one in six (17.6 %) during the heyday of the DINA in 1974–1977 and one in five (19.5 %) thereafter. In other words, it was precisely when the ‘dirty war’ grew more sophisticated in its targeting and techniques, and more organized by secret police forces, that women victims figured more prominently in the culture of torment” (Stern: 295–296).

  4. 4.

    While the regime publicly denied the practice of violence throughout the duration of the regime, subjugation of the opposition became justified by an official discourse that mobilised medical metaphors to liken the human body to the body politic of Chilean society. In the book El Estado de Derecho [State of Law] (1978), rightwing Chilean lawyer Gonzalo Ibáñez wrote: “The human body is comparable to that of the social body…When one member threatens to infect [gangrenar] the whole social body, that member can be eliminated” (quoted in Nelson: 34). As Alice Nelson suggests, this discourse “conceived of the country/body as ill due to an ‘infection’ or ‘Marxist cancer,’ such that any ‘diseased members’ threatening the values of the fatherland must be extirpated from the social body” (Nelson 2002: 40).

  5. 5.

    Other important Chilean films that frame imprisonment and/or torture, but produced after the Valech Report, include Dawson Isla 10 (2009) by Miguel Littín, and El mocito (2010) by Marcela Said. We should also note important Argentine films on state-sponsored torture since Argentina shares a similar history. Salient examples include Crónica de una fuga (2006) by Israel Adrián Caetano, Garage Olimpo (1999) by Marco Bechis, Aparecidos (2007) by Paco Cabezas, and La historia official (1985) by Luis Puenzo.

  6. 6.

    My work builds on the research of sociologists, cultural critics, and historians that have helped us to better understand the gendered workings of dictatorial violence. Some of these include Elizabeth Jelin, Diamela Eltit, Nelly Richard, Michael Lazzara, Gina Herrmann, Marita Sturken, Marguerite Feitlowitz, Alice Nelson, Diana Taylor and Steve Stern.

  7. 7.

    For more on the distinction between documentary modes see Representing Reality by Bill Nichols.

  8. 8.

    Here I draw insight from Gina Herrmann’s “Franco in the Docket: CM Hardt’s Memory Movie.”

  9. 9.

    Here I draw from Gina Herrmann’s “They Didn’t Rape Me: Traces of Gendered Violence and Sexual Injury in the Testimonies of Spanish Republican Women Survivors of the Franco Dictatorship” (2013: 91).

  10. 10.

    Several other explicit testimonies by former political prisoners appear in the TV documentary Torturas y Vejaciones—Testimonios en la dictadura militar [Tortures and Humiliation: Testimonies of the Military Dictatorship]. It brings together a series of testimonies (90 minutes total), which belong to El museo de la memoria [Museum of Memory]. It was originally broadcast on Televisión Nacional de Chile and was later uploaded to Youtube. The details on the filmmaker, dates, and so on are not listed. Part 4 focuses specifically on the torture of women. Amanda Velasco gives a shocking first-person testimony that describes her own experience of sexualized torture in 1975. Gladys Díaz, whose case I discuss in this essay, also appears in this documentary in several short scenes. I plan to further research and analyse this documentary http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UKPdfwfSOms

  11. 11.

    Here I draw from insight from bell hooks “The Oppositional Gaze: Black Female Spectators” (1999).

  12. 12.

    See Sandra Lee Bartky (1997) as well as Lisa Downing’s (2008) “Critical Receptions” in The Cambridge Introduction to Michel Foucault (104–105). Also see Ann Cahill (2000) “Foucault, Rape and the Construction of the Feminine Body” in Hypatia. 15 (1): 43–63.

  13. 13.

    For Foucault the obligation to confess “is so deeply ingrained in us, that we no longer perceive it as the effect of a power that constrains us; on the contrary, it seems to us that truth, lodged in our most secret nature, “demands” only to surface, that if it fails to do so, this is because a constraint holds it in place, the violence of a power weighs it down” (History of Sexuality 60).

  14. 14.

    Kirkwood (1936–1985) was not only an active participant in women’s rights organisations like the Movimiento Pro-Emancipación de las Mujeres de Chile (est. 1935), but also a founder of the Feminist Opposition Movement to the dictatorship (MEMCH ’83) in 1983- a year marked by a recession and an upsurge of opposition groups. As Shayne contends, the MEMCH ‘83 “emerged as a leading women’s umbrella organization that framed its actions in explicitly feminist terms” (97).

  15. 15.

    Jo Labanyi indentifies a similar process in the context of Spain after the Franco dictatorship. See Spanish Cultural Studies: Introduction - the Struggle for Modernity. Oxford University Press, 1996. page 313.

  16. 16.

    Gina Herrmann traces similar patterns in the testimonies of Spanish Republican women survivors of the Franco Dictatorship. See They Didn’t Rape Me: Traces of Gendered Violence and Sexual Injury in the Testimonies of Spanish Republican Women Survivors of the Franco Dictatorship.

  17. 17.

    Here I draw again from the excellent critiques of Foucault by Sandra Lee Bartky (1997), Ann Cahill (2000) and Lisa Downing (2008).

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DiGiovanni, L.R. (2016). Modes of Silence and Resistance: Chilean Documentary and Gendered Torture. In: de Valk, M. (eds) Screening the Tortured Body. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-39918-2_10

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