1. Booth, William James, Households, On the Moral Architecture of the Economy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Booth, , “The New Household Economy,” American Political Science Review 85 (03 1991): 59–75Google Scholar; Booth, , “Economies of Time, On the Idea of Time in Marx's Political Economy,” Political Theory 19 (02 1991): 2–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Another major line of investigation explores the Aristotelian lineages of Marx's theory of justice and the good life. See, e.g., Miller, Richard W., “Marx and Aristotle: A Kind of Consequentialism,” in Canadian journal of Philosophy, supp. vol. 7 (1981): 323–352CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilbert, Alan, “Marx's Moral Realism:Eudaimonism and Moral Progress,” in After Marx, ed. Ball, Terence and Farr, James (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Elster, Jon, “Self-Realization in Work and Politics: The Marxist Conception of the Good Life,” Social Philosophy and Policy 3 (Spring 1986): 97–126CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Degolyer, Michael, “The Greek Accent of the Marxian Matrix,” in Marx and Aristotle, ed. Mccarthy, George E. (Savage, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1992), pp. 107–153.Google Scholar Although clearly related to the theme of this article, this literature does not address its central concerns, the conception of freedom and necessity in Marx and Aristotle.

2. Booth, , Households, p. 253.Google Scholar

3. Ibid., pp. 249–96; see also Booth, , “The New Household Economy,” pp. 60, 69–72Google Scholar.

4. Booth, , Households, pp. 251–62, 270.Google Scholar For similar conceptions of Marx's socialism, see Arendt, Hannah, Between Past and Future (New York: The Viking Press, 1956), pp. 17–25Google Scholar; Heller, Agnes, The Theory of Need in Marx (London: Allison and Busby, 1976), pp. 96–130Google Scholar; Cohen, G. A., Karl Marx's Theory of History, A Defene (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 302–325Google Scholar; Przeworski, Adam, “Material Interests, Class Compromise, and the Transition to Socialism,” in Analytical Marxism, ed. Roemer, John (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 181-88.Google Scholar

5. Booth, , Households, pp. 256, 255.Google Scholar

6. Ibid., p. 256.

7. For an exception, see Springborg, Patricia, “Politics, Primordialism, and Orientalism: Marx, Aristotle, and the Myth of the Gemeinschaft,” American Political Science Review 80 (03 1986): 185–211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. For discussions of Marx as a classical scholar, indicating his familiarity with Greek sources, especially the works of Aristotle, see De Ste. Croix, G. E. M., The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, from the Archaic Age to the Arab Conquests (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 23–25Google Scholar; Mccarthy, George E., “Visions and Vertigo: Viewing Modernity from the Acropolis,” in Mccarthy, , Marx, and Aristotle, , pp. 1–3Google Scholar; Degolyer, Michael, “The Greek Accent of the Marxian Matrix,” pp. 107–119.Google Scholar

9. See Ober, Josiah, “Aristotle's Political Sociology: Class, Status, and Order in the Politics,” in Essays on the Foundations of Aristotelian Political Science, ed. Lord, Carnes and O'connor, David K. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).Google Scholar

10. Finley, Moses I., The Ancient Economy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), pp. 40–41Google Scholar; Ste. Croix, , Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, pp. 114–17, 182–85.Google Scholar

11. Aristotle, , Politics, trans. Lord, Carnes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 1326b30–32, 1329al-2, 1333a33–36 (hereafter cited as Pol.).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Ibid., 1253b30–1254a10.

13. Ibid., 1269a34–36, 1277a35–1277b7, 1291b24–26, 1292b24–30. See also Booth, , Households, pp. 44, 70–73Google Scholar; Finley, , The Ancient Economy, p. 41.Google Scholar

14. Aristotle Pol. 1278a7–13.

15. Ibid., 1329a1–2, 1330a26–27.

16. Marx, Karl, Capital, trans. Moore, Samuel and Aveling, Edward, ed. Engels, Frederick, 3 vols. (Moscow: Progress Publishers, n.d. 1971), 1: 179Google Scholar; see also Capital 3: 820.Google Scholar

17. Cf. Postone, Moishe, Time, Labor, and Social Domination (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 373–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18. Marx, Karl, Grundrisse, in Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick, Collected Works, 50 vols. projected (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975-), 28: 530Google Scholar (hereafter cited as CW).

19. Ibid.

20. Marx, , Capital 3: 791–92.Google Scholar

21. Walzer, Michael, Spheres of Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1983), p. 291.Google Scholar

22. See, for example, Booth, , “The New Household Economy,” pp. 59, 64Google Scholar; Finley, , The Ancient Economy, pp. 48–50.Google Scholar Finley returns to the language of “class” in his later studies of the ancient economy, although he stresses that this “does not imply a change of view.” The poor of the ancient world, he argues, “were all the free men who labored for their livelihood…. They were distinguished from the ‘rich,’ who were able to live comfortably on the labor of others” (Finley, Moses I., Politics in the Ancient World [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983], p. 10 and n. 29).CrossRefGoogle Scholar I fail to see how this usage of the term differs in any fundamental way from Marx's own.

23. Marx, , Capital 1: 209; 3: 791–92.Google Scholar

24. Ibid., 3: 791.

25. Marx, , Capital 3: 790–91Google Scholar; 1: 226–29; Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28: 400–402.Google Scholar

26. Polanyi, Karl, “Aristotle Discovers the Economy,” in Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies, Essays of Karl Polanyi, ed. Dalton, George (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1968), p. 81.Google Scholar

27. Marx, , Capital 3: 791.Google Scholar

28. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28: 399–401, 408–410, 421–22.Google Scholar

29. Ibid., p. 417.

30. Marx, , Capital 3: 806.Google Scholar There is a tension in Marx's work between his ascription of the economic base of antiquity to, on the one hand, slave labor and, on the other, independent peasant production. His most extended commentary on the economy of the classical polis—in the section of the Grundrisse on precapitalist formations—assigns primacy to the free peasantry. Moreover, Marx repeatedly maintains that “peasant agriculture on a small scale, and the carrying on of independent handicrafts…form the economic foundation of the classical communities at their best” (Marx, , Capital 1: 316 n. 3Google Scholar; also 345 n. 1). I contend that, for Marx, the most important legacy of classical Greece is the relationship between citizenship and the abolition of class rule. Interpretations of Marx which focus solely on the equation between classical culture and slavery miss this underlying theme in his work. Although Wood maintains that Marx described ancient Greece as a slave mode of production, Marx's own historical writings on the polis anticipate her thesis that “the distinctive characteristic of Athenian democracy was…the extent to which production rested on free, independent labor to the exclusion of labor in varying forms and degrees of juridical dependence or political subjection” (Wood, Ellen Meiksins, Peasant-Citizen and Slave [London: Verso, 1988], p. 82Google Scholar). This is also Finley's view of the remarkable novelty of ancient democracy (Finley, Moses I., Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology [New York: Viking, 1980], pp. 89–90Google Scholar).

31. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28: 402–404.Google Scholar See also Ste. Croix, , Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, pp. 114–15.Google Scholar

32. See Aristotle Pol. 1252b10–15, 1323a5.

33. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28: 403.Google Scholar

34. Aristotle Pol. 1273b35–40. See also Aristotle, , The Athenian Constitution, trans. Rhodes, P. J. (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1984), chaps. 5–12.Google Scholar

35. See Patterson, Orlando, Freedom (New York: Basic Books, 1991), pp. 66–77Google Scholar; Wood, , Peasant-Citizen and Slave, pp. 93–107Google Scholar; Finley, , PPolitics in the Ancient World, pp. 106–110, 139–40Google Scholar; SSte. Croix, , Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, pp. 96–97, 298, 317Google Scholar.

36. Aristotle Pol. 1317a40–1317b17.

37. Ibid., 17b14–16; see also Thucydides, , The Peloponnesian War, trans. Warner, Rex (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1954), 2. 37, 41Google Scholar.

38. Marx, Compare, Grundrisse, CW 28: 400–402Google Scholar, 406–408 with Aristotle Pol. 1327b20–30. See also Marx, , Capital 1: 86 n., 309 n. 3Google Scholar.

39. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28: 407, 408Google Scholar.

40. Ibid., pp. 400–401.

41. Ibid., p. 418.

42. Ibid., pp. 405–406.

43. Ibid., p. 18 (translation slightly amended).

44. Aristotle, , Historia Animalum, trans. Peck, A. L. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), 488aGoogle Scholar.

45. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 28:420Google Scholar. In this and the previous quote zfion politikon appears in Greek, suggesting that Marx wished to adhere to the original meaning of the term. For an account of Marx's usage of this term, see Schwartz, Nancy L., “Distinction Between Public and Private Life, Marx on the ZOon Politikon,” Political Theory 7 (05 1979), pp. 253–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

46. See, for example, Booth, , Households, pp. 60, 63,96.Google Scholar

47. Finley, , Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology, pp. 67–92Google Scholar; Patterson, , Freedom pp. 64–81Google Scholar. See Ober, Josiah, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens: Rhetoric, Ideology, and the Power of the People (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 20–35.Google Scholar

48. See Wood, , Peasant-Citizen and Slave, p. 109.Google Scholar

49. Patterson, , Freedom, pp. xiii–xvi, chaps. 3–8.Google Scholar

50. Contemporary scholarship has challenged the view that smallholders defined the freedom to which they aspired in aristocratic terms (contrast Booth, , Households, p. 45Google Scholar with Wood, , Peasant-Citizen and Slave, pp. 126–137Google Scholar), This is not to say that small property owners rejected slave labor, if they could afford it, as a supplement to their own; what they fought for and won, however, was economic independence, “their personal freedom and their tenure on the land” (Finley, , Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology, p. 89Google Scholar). In a similar vein, current research has questioned the notion that the ancient world was uniformly contemptuous of manual work. Rather, it is more plausible to suggest that pride in one's work was prevalent in a society in which peasants and craftsmen were citizens. Protagoras's account of political life in democratic Athens must have reflected a shared conviction among small farmers and artisans about their material and moral contributions to Greek civilization (Plato, , Protagoras, trans. Ostwald, Martin [Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956], 320c–328dGoogle Scholar). Evidence that craftsmen signed their work and referred to their skills with pride in their dedications and epitaphs suggests that they did not share the contempt of their work that prevailed among the ancient aristocracy. See Ste. Croix, , Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, pp. 274–75Google Scholar. Marx himself locates the genesis of the notion of the good life as one of active self-realization through work in the experience of the independent peasant and artisan (Capital, 1: 713, 344–46Google Scholar).

51. Aristotle, , The “Art” of Rhetoric, trans. Freese, John Henry (London: William Heinemann, 1967), 1367a28–32.Google Scholar

52. Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 2. 37, 41Google Scholar; Wood, , Peasant-Citizen and Slave, pp. 126–37.Google Scholar

53. Booth, , Households, pp. 73–74, 295.Google Scholar

54. Marx, Karl, “Letters from the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher,” CW 3:137.Google Scholar The “dream long possessed” phrase is from a letter to Ruge of September 1843; I am quoting from a letter to Ruge of May 1843, where Marx also indicates that restoring the human world entails restoring Aristotle's idea that the human being is a zoon politikon. Both letters are part of a collection in which Marx and Ruge drew up their plans for the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbücher, and later published in that journal.

55. Marx, Karl, Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law, CW 3: 29–33, 115–21.Google Scholar

56. Marx, Karl, On the Jewish Question, CW 3: 160–61,166.Google Scholar

57. Marx, , Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law, CW 3: 117.Google Scholar

58. Marx, , On the Jewish Question, CW 3; 154–55.Google Scholar

59. Marx, , Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law, CW 3: 51, 117.Google Scholar

60. Marx, , On the Jewish Question, CW 3: 154, 160–61.Google Scholar

61. See Hunt, Richard N., The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 2 vols. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974, 1984), 1: 81–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62. Marx, , Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Law, CW 3: 29–31, 121Google Scholar; Marx, Karl, Critique of the Gotha Programme, CW 24: 94–96Google Scholar.

63. Marx, , On the Jewish Question, CW 3:152–53Google Scholar.

64. Ibid., p. 168.

65. Marx, , Capital 3: 618Google Scholar.

66. For an excellent discussion of this thesis, see Wood, Ellen Meiksins, “The Separation of the Economic and the Political in Capitalism,” New Left Review 127 (05–06 1981): 66–95Google Scholar.

67. Marx, , Capital 1: 316Google Scholar.

68. Marx, , Capital 1: 314–15, 400, 410.Google Scholar Elsewhere in the text Marx maintains that “the leadership of industry is an attribute of capital, just as in feudal times the functions of general and judge, were attributes of landed property” (Capital 1: 314–315Google Scholar; see also Capital 3: 382–89Google Scholar). Cf. Booth, , Households, pp. 244–46.Google Scholar

69. See Marx, , Capital 1:172.Google Scholar Cf. Booth, , Households, p. 233.Google Scholar

70. Marx, Karl, The Civil War in France, CW 22: 334.Google Scholar

71. The remarkable similarity between Marx's description of the Commune and the classical polis has not gone unnoticed. See, e.g., Hunt, , The Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 2:253–56Google Scholar; Gilbert, , “Marx's Moral Realism,” pp. 158–59,163–65.Google Scholar In light of his repeated references to the thinness and scarcity of Marx's writings on the anticipated communist society, it is curious that Booth makes no mention of Marx's extensive commentary on the Commune. In fact, this elision is typical of analyses which read Marx from the standpoint of Aristotle's distinction betweennecessity and freedom. They thus miss the specifically political dimensions of Marx's socialism.

72. Commentaries on the Commune tend to focus on the view, shared by Marx and Engels, that it was a concrete expression of the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Exhaustive studies by Draper and Hunt have shown that this phrase did not have the antidemocratic connotations it acquired in the twentieth century. Both provide extensive documentation of Marx's commitment to democratic political practice. If anything, Marx failed to address the need for safeguards against the excessive spontaneity of popular sovereignty. Proletarian dictatorship, in Marx's view, meant “nothing more and nothing less than ‘rule of the proletariat,’ the ‘conquest of political power’ by the working class, the establishment of a workers' state in the first revolutionary period” (Draper, Hal, Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, 4 vols. [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977–1990], 3: 213Google Scholar; see also pp. 269–74). Hunt argues that, for Marx, the Commune's main achievement was the de-professionalization of political life (Hunt, , Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 2: 211–265Google Scholar). What I wish to underscore here is that Marx praised the Commune not so much because it promised proletarian rule or politics without professionals, but rather because it promised to replace the principles of capitalist rule with classical principles of civic association.

73. Marx, , The Civil War in France, First Draft, CW 22: 499.Google Scholar

74. Marx, , The Civil War in France, CW 22: 332.Google Scholar

75. Ibid., p. 339.

76. Ibid., p. 335.

77. Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick, Manifesto of the Communist Party, CW6: 504.Google Scholar On the evolution of Marx's views toward political centralization and decentralization, see Hunt, ,, Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, 2:147–161Google Scholar.

78. Marx, , The Civil War in France, Second Draft, CW 22: 533Google Scholar.

79. Marx, , The Civil War in France, First Draft, CW 22: 484Google Scholar.

80. Ibid., p. 486.

81. The democratization of the coercive apparatus of the state is Lenin's understanding of the chief accomplishment of the Commune (Lenin, Vladimir, The State and Revolution, trans. Christman, Henry M. [New York: Bantam Books, 1966], pp. 275, 280–82, 301–303, 338–39Google Scholar). In Lenin's view, politics and the state are exclusively repressive forces. For him, then, communism is tantamount to the withering away of politics and the state (Ibid., pp. 347–49). Rooted more deeply in the classical Greek tradition, Marx discovers in the democratic public realm the institutionalization of freedom.

82. Marx, , The Civil War in France, First Draft, CW 22: 486Google Scholar; see also p. 49.

83. Ibid., pp. 332–33.

84. Marx, , The Civil War in France, CW 22: 335.Google Scholar See also Marx, , Critique of the Gotha Programme, CW 24: 95.Google Scholar There is a well-known tension in Marx's account of socialism between the desirability of “a common plan” to regulate national production and the desirability of decentralized decision-making by workers' cooperatives. Some kind of market socialism provides an obvious way to reconcile planning with workers' autonomy. But Marx was as hostile to any form of market mechanism as he was to a command economy in which all decisions were made by a central planning agency. It is unclear, then, how socialist economies would allocate scarce factors of production, including labor power, among alternative uses. See Elster, Jon, Making Sense of Marx (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 449–56.Google Scholar Moore persuasively argues that this lacuna in Marx's thought is rooted in a pervasive tension between his critique of class and his critique of markets (Moore, Stanley, Marx Versus Markets [University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993]Google Scholar).

85. See Marx, , Critique of the Gotha Programme, CW 24: 94.Google Scholar

86. Marx, , The Civil War in France, CW 22:330–33Google Scholar; see also the First and Second Draft, CW 22:487–91, 536–38.Google Scholar

87. Marx, , Capital 3: 820.Google Scholar

88. See, in particular, Arendt, Hannah, The Human Condition (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 104–105Google Scholar; Winfield, Richard Dien, Reason and Justice (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1988), pp. 202–203.Google Scholar

89. Marx, , Grundrisse, CW 29: 94.Google Scholar

90. Booth, , Households, pp. 238–39, 258, 285.Google Scholar

91. Marx, Karl, “Inaugural Address of the Working Men's International Association,” CW 20: 11.Google Scholar

92. Marx, Karl, “Instructions for the Delegates of the Provisional General Council,” CW 20:190Google Scholar. Although Marx was sharply critical of workers' cooperatives as a strategy for abolishing capitalism, he repeatedly offers them, in both published writings and unpublished manuscripts, as the organizational model of the communist economy (see Capital 3: 387–89, 440Google Scholar; “Notes of Bakunin's Book, Statism and Anarchy, CW 24: 519–20Google Scholar).

93. Schwartz, , “Distinction Between Public and Private Life,” p. 256Google Scholar. See also Gilbert, , “Marx's Moral Realism,” pp. 156,158–59,162–63,165Google Scholar.

94. For an excellent critique of this view of political activity, see Elster, Jon, “The Market and the Forum,” in Foundations of Social Choice Theory, ed. Elster, Jon and Hylland, Aanund (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 124–28Google Scholar.

95. Marx, , The Civil War in France, CW 22: 335.Google Scholar

96. Marx, , The Civil War in France, First Draft, CW 22: 491.Google Scholar

97. Finley, Moses I., Economy and Society in Ancient Greece, ed. Shaw, Brent and Sailer, Richard (New York: Viking, 1981), p. 83.Google Scholar