Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-dnltx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-19T03:57:56.829Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The South African War as humanitarian crisis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 September 2016

Abstract

Although the South African War was a colonial war, it aroused great interest abroad as a test of international morality. Both the Boer republics were signatories to the Geneva Convention of 1864, as was Britain, but the resources of these small countries were limited, for their populations were small and, before the discovery of gold in 1884, government revenues were trifling. It was some time before they could put even the most rudimentary organization in place. In Europe, public support from pro-Boers enabled National Red Cross Societies from such countries as the Netherlands, France, Germany, Russia and Belgium to send ambulances and medical aid to the Boers. The British military spurned such aid, but the tide of public opinion and the hospitals that the aid provided laid the foundations for similar voluntary aid in the First World War. Until the fall of Pretoria in June 1900, the war had taken the conventional course of pitched battles and sieges. Although the capitals of both the Boer republics had fallen to the British by June 1900, the Boer leaders decided to continue the conflict. The Boer military system, based on locally recruited, compulsory commando service, was ideally suited to guerrilla warfare, and it was another two years before the Boers finally surrendered. During this period of conflict, about 30,000 farms were burnt and the country was reduced to a wasteland. Women and children, black and white, were installed in camps which were initially ill-conceived and badly managed, giving rise to high mortality, especially of the children. As the scandal of the camps became known, European humanitarian aid shifted to the provision of comforts for women and children. While the more formal aid organizations, initiated by men, preferred to raise funds for post-war reconstruction, charitable relief for the camps was often provided by informal women's organizations. These ranged from church groups to personal friends of the Boers, to women who wished to be associated with the work of their menfolk.

Type
A century of warfare
Copyright
Copyright © icrc 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 This is the preferred term for those who see the war as embracing the larger population of South Africa.

2 Hull, Isabel V., Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 2005, p. 1 Google Scholar; Hyslop, Jonathan, “The Invention of the Concentration Camp: Cuba, Southern Africa and the Philippines, 1896–1907”, South African Historical Journal, Vol. 63, No. 2, 2011 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Tone, John L., War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895–1898, Chapel Hill, NC, University of North Carolina Press, 2006 Google Scholar.

4 In the First World War Kitchener was secretary of State for war, contributing to the decisions that led to the massacre of trench warfare, while Maxwell gained notoriety for ordering the execution of the Irish rebels in the Easter Rising in 1916.

5 Smuts had been attorney-general of the Transvaal and became a formidable commando leader. Later he was to be prime minister of South Africa, a member of the British War Cabinet in both the First and Second World Wars, and one of the founders of the League of Nations. Hancock, W. Keith, Smuts, Vol. 1: The Sanguine Years, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1962, p. 128 Google Scholar.

6 Davey, Arthur Maidens, The British Pro-Boers, 1871–1902, Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1978, pp. 130144 Google Scholar; McCracken, Donal P., The Irish Pro-Boers, 1877–1902, Johannesburg, Perskor, 1989 Google Scholar; Davidson, Apollon and Filatova, Irina, The Russians and the Anglo-Boer War, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1998 Google Scholar; Kandyba-Foxcroft, Elisabeth, Russia and the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, Roodepoort, Cum Books, 1981 Google Scholar.

7 Central British Red Cross Committee, Report by the Central British Red Cross Committee on Voluntary Organisations in Aid of the Sick and Wounded during the South African War, London, HMSO, 1902 Google Scholar; Good Hope Society, Report of the Good Hope Society for Aid to Sick and Wounded in War: South African War, 1899–1902, Cape Town, W. A. Richards, 1902 Google Scholar; Marks, Shula, “British Nursing and the South African War”, in Cuthbertson, Greg et al. (eds), Writing a Wider War: Rethinking Gender, Race, and Identity in the South African War, 1899–1902, Athens and Cape Town, Ohio University Press and David Philip, 2005 Google Scholar; de Villiers, Jaquez Charl, Healers, Helpers and Hospitals: A History of Military Medicine in the Anglo-Boer War, Vol. 1, Pretoria, Protea Book House, 2008, pp. 3338 Google Scholar.

8 van Heyningen, Elizabeth, The Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War: A Social History, Auckland Park, Jacana, 2013 Google Scholar.

9 Warwick, Peter, Black People and the South African War, 1899–1902, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1983 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kessler, Stowell V., The Black Concentration Camps of the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, Bloemfontein, War Museum of the Boer Republics, 2012 Google Scholar; E. van Heyningen, above note 8, pp. 150–178.

10 Earlier histories of the South African War concentrated on conventional combat and were primarily British. See, for instance, Doyle, Arthur Conan, The Great Boer War, London, Smith Elder, 1902 Google Scholar; Amery, L. S. (ed.), The Times History of the War in South Africa, 1899–1902, 6 vols, London, Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1909 Google Scholar. The most popular history of the war is Pakenham, Thomas, The Boer War, Cape Town, Jonathan Ball, 1979 Google Scholar. witty, A and erudite version is Nasson, Bill, The War for South Africa The Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, Cape Town, Tafelberg, 2010 Google Scholar. For a modern Afrikaner perspective see Pretorius, Fransjohan, The Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, 2nd ed., Cape Town, Don Nelson, 2013 Google Scholar.

11 Variously known also as the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek, the Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek or the Transvaal.

12 Wilson, Keith (ed.), The International Impact of the Boer War, London, Acumen, 2001, p. 1 Google Scholar.

13 There were probably about 9,000 to 11,000 black men on commando. Pretorius, Fransjohan, The A to Z of the Anglo-Boer War, Lanham, The Scarecrow Press, 2010, p. 5 Google Scholar.

14 P. Warwick, above note 9.

15 K. Wilson, above note 12, pp. 2, 6. On the Dutch, see Kuitenbrouwer, Vincent, War of Words: Dutch Pro-Boer Propaganda and the South African War (1899–1902), Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2012 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the French, see Jean-Guy Pelletier, “L'opinion Française et la Guerre des Boers (1899–1902)”, PhD thesis, Université de Paris-X Nanterre, 1972.

16 This is a subject which has been avoided until recently. Grundlingh, Albert M., The Dynamics of Treason: Boer Collaboration in the South African War of 1899–1902, Pretoria, Protea Boekhuis, 2006 Google Scholar.

17 E. van Heyningen, above note 8, p. 48.

18 Spies, Stephanus Burridge, Methods of Barbarism? Roberts and Kitchener and Civilians in the Boer Republics, January 1900–May 1902, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1977, p. 138 Google Scholar.

19 On the meaning of the commando, see Swart, Sandra, “‘A Boer and His Gun and His Wife are Three Things Always Together’: Republican Masculinity and the 1914 Rebellion”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24, No. 4, 1998 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for a history of the commando in the South African War, see Pretorius, Fransjohan, Life on Commando during the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1999 Google Scholar.

20 S. B. Spies, above note 18.

22 Keegan, Tim, “Gender, Degeneration and Sexual Danger: Imagining Race and Class in South Africa, ca. 1912”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3, 2001 CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Cornwell, Gareth, “George Webb Hardy's The Black Peril and the Social Meaning of ‘Black Peril’ in Early Twentieth-Century South Africa”, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 22, No. 3, 1996 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; E. van Heyningen, above note 8, pp. 111–114. In their propaganda, the French also placed particular emphasis on this aspect of the danger to women, although they also included the threat of wild animals – a somewhat more exotic perspective. J.-G. Pelletier, above note 15, p. 23. For a rare example of a Boer male usage of this form of demonization (clearly used for propaganda purposes, since the letter was written to W. T. Stead, the editor of the Review of Reviews and an ardent British pro-Boer), see Hancock, W. Keith and van der Poel, Jean (eds), Selections from the Smuts Papers, Vol. 1, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1966, p. 465 Google Scholar.

23 E. van Heyningen, above note 8, pp. 96, 121, 141; van Heyningen, Elizabeth, “‘Lies, Damned Lies and Statistics’: Statistics and the British Concentration Camps Database”, in Constantine, R. J. (ed.), New Perspectives on the Anglo-Boer War, Bloemfontein, War Museum of the Boer Republics, 2013 Google Scholar.

24 P. Warwick, above note 9, p. 151; S. V. Kessler, above note 9, pp. 213–254.

25 Curtin, Philip D., Disease and Empire: The Health of European Troops in the Conquest of Africa, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998 Google Scholar, Chapter 8.

26 Hobhouse, Emily, Report of a Visit to the Camps of Women and Children in the Cape and Orange River Colonies, London, Friars Printing Association, 1901 Google Scholar.

27 Report on the Concentration Camps in South Africa by the Committee of Ladies, Cd 893, London, HMSO, 1901.

28 Ibid ., pp. 150–178; S. V. Kessler, above note 9.

29 Letter from Lucy Deane to her sister, 4 October 1901, London School of Economics, Streatfield Collection, LSE 2/11.

30 Letter from the Rev. R. Matteson to Chief Superintendent of Refugee Camps, Bloemfontein, 12 July 1901, Free State Archives Repository, SRC 9, RC3226.

31 Lowry, Donal, “The Boers Were the Beginning of the End? The Wider Impact of the South African War”, in Lowry, Donal (ed.), The South African War Reappraised, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2000, p. 203Google Scholar.

32 Ireland and Russia are examples. See below.

33 F. Pretorius, above note 13, pp. 480–481. Most histories of the war mention these volunteers.

34 A. Davidson and I. Filatova, above note 6; E. Kandyba-Foxcroft, above note 6.

35 E. Hobhouse, above note 26.

36 E. van Heyningen, above note 8, pp. 181–283.

37 B. Nasson, above note 10, p. 235.

38 The Union of South Africa left the British Commonwealth in 1961 to become the Republic of South Africa. In 1994, after a new constitution was introduced, granting the vote to all adult South Africans, the country returned to the Commonwealth but retained the name of Republic of South Africa.

39 Burrows, Edmund H., A History of Medicine in South Africa up to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Cape Town, Balkema, 1958, pp. 284285 Google Scholar.

40 van Heyningen, Elizabeth, “Medical History and Afrikaner Society in the Boer Republics at the End of the Nineteenth Century”, Kleio, Vol. 37, 2005 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 F. Pretorius, above note 13, p. 275.

42 Elizabeth van Heyningen, “Women and Disease: The Clash of Medical Cultures in the Concentration Camps of the South African War”, in G. Cuthbertson et al. (eds), above note 7; E. van Heyningen, above note 40.

43 Kruger, Daniel Wilhelmus, Paul Kruger, Vol. 1, Johannesburg, Dagbreek-Boekhandel, 1961, pp. 3233 Google Scholar.

44 Reitz, Deneys, Commando: A Boer Journal of the Boer War, London, Faber & Faber, 1929, p. 17Google Scholar. Deneys Reitz was the son of Francis William Reitz, the fifth president of the Orange Free State and, at the outbreak of war, State secretary of the South African Republic. Commando is considered a classic account of the South African War.

45 Available at: www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/120?OpenDocument (all internet references were accessed in December 2015); J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, p. 46.

46 Ibid ., p. 47.

47 Letter from Mrs Cassie O'Reilly, 3 May 1901, National Archives of South Africa (NASA), A432.

48 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, pp. 48–49.

49 B. Nasson, above note 10, p. 61.

50 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, pp. 62–73.

51 B. Nasson, above note 10, pp. 105–106.

52 Annie Rothmann, diary, 1899–1900, NASA, A321.

53 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, pp. 54, 561–564.

54 F. Pretorius, above note 13, p. 275.

55 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, p. 55.

56 Available at: www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/120.

57 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, p. 58.

58 Ibid ., pp. 84–85.

59 Ibid ., p. 405.

60 Ibid ., p. 401; F. Pretorius, above note 13, p. 275.

61 A. M. Davey, above note 6, pp. 130–144; D. P. McCracken, above note 6. The American contribution was also largely influenced by Irish politics.

62 Paustovsky, Konstantin, Story of a Life: Childhood and Schooldays, London, Harvill Press, 1964, p. 47Google Scholar.

63 A. Davidson and I. Filatova, above note 6.

64 Ibid ., pp. 180–181.

65 D. Lowry, above note 31, pp. 208–209. One should not forget that the USA was engaged in conflicts at this time which were, in reality, imperial wars, especially against Spain in the Philippines.

66 E. Kandyba-Foxcroft, above note 6; A. Davidson and I. Filatova, above note 6.

67 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, p. 401. The caption to the illustration suggests that the donation was from the Carcasonne.

68 Ibid ., p. 402.

69 Ibid ., pp. 523–536; Bron, Alice, Diary of a Nurse in South Africa, London, Chapman & Hall, 1901 Google Scholar.

70 D. Lowry, above note 31, pp. 205–206; A. M. Davey, above note 6, pp. 126, 153–156; Hewison, Hope Hay, Hedge of Wild Almond: South Africa, the “Pro-Boers” and the Quaker Conscience, 1890–1910, Portsmouth, Heinemann, 1989 Google Scholar.

71 S. Marks, above note 7, pp. 159–85; P. D. Curtin, above note 25, pp. 119–120.

72 Available at: www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/120.

73 Central British Red Cross Committee, above note 7; J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, pp. 33–38.

74 Although a military medical service had existed since the seventeenth century in Britain, it had always been unsatisfactory and disregarded by the military establishment. The Royal Army Medical Corps was only formally established in 1898; see: www.ams-museum.org.uk/museum/history/ramc-history/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Army_Medical_Corps#History.

75 Central British Red Cross Committee, above note 7, p. 63.

76 This is a poorly developed aspect of the history of the war. See van Heyningen, Elizabeth, “Refugees and Relief in Cape Town, 1899–1902”, Studies in the History of Cape Town, Vol. 3, 1980 Google Scholar; Bickford-Smith, Vivian, van Heyningen, Elizabeth and Worden, Nigel, Cape Town in the Twentieth Century, Cape Town, David Philip, 1999, pp. 1216 Google Scholar.

77 J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, p. 39.

78 Report of the Royal Commission on the Care and Treatment of the Sick and Wounded during the South African Campaign 1901, Cd 453, London, HMSO, 1902.

79 This includes people of mixed birth, the so-called “coloured” people, but also those of Khoe-khoe origin like the Nama. P. Warwick, above note 9; Nasson, Bill, Abraham Esau's War: A Black South African War in the Cape, 1899–1902, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991 Google Scholar. The presence of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi added an unusual dimension to the participation of black people in the war. Gandhi had arrived in South Africa in 1893 on the invitation of the Natal Indians, to combat the increasingly hostile legislation of racist South Africans. At this stage of his life, Gandhi was still loyal to the British imperial cause, despite his personal sympathy for the Boers. Even before the war Gandhi's desire for service had led him to volunteer as a nurse and dispenser at St. Aidan's Mission Hospital, so he was not without medical experience.79 Both he and other Indian traders saw the war as a moment to demonstrate that they were fully British subjects.79 He offered to the Natal government the services of an Indian stretcher bearer corps. Eventually two such corps were established. They functioned for a brief time only, between 15 December 1899 and 14 February 1900, despite their obvious value to the overstretched Royal Army Medical Corps. While Gandhi's corps were not affiliated with the Red Cross, as medical personnel they had its protection, he believed, for he stated in his autobiography: “Though our work was outside the firing line, and though we had the protection of the Red Cross, we were asked at a critical moment to serve within the firing line.” J. C. de Villiers, above note 7, pp. 318–319; Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand, An Autobiography: The Story of my Experiments with Truth, London, Jonathan Cape, 1972, pp. 169, 179, 180Google Scholar.

80 Burton, Antoinette, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women and Imperial Culture, 1865–1915, Chapel Hill, NC, University of North Carolina Press, 1994, p. 1Google Scholar.

81 V. Kuitenbrouwer, above note 15, pp. 146–148, 169–176.

82 Truter, Elbie, Tibbie: Rachel Isabella Steyn, 1865–1955: Haar Lewe was Haar Boodskap, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1997, p. 53 Google Scholar.

83 Hobhouse, Emily, The Brunt of the War and Where it Fell, London, Methuen, 1902, p. 254Google Scholar.

84 Baron Gericke, Chargé d'Affaires, Netherlands, to the Foreign Office, 25 June 1901, and related comments, NASA, FK 525, CO 417/331 IV 222025/01.

85 Sir Henry McCallum, Governor of Natal, to the High Commissioner, 27 May 1902, Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository, GH 1331/182/02.

86 Letter from Rev. E. Dommisse to De Kerkbode, Vol. 5, No. 6, 1914, pp. 116–117.

87 E. Hobhouse, above note 26 and above note 83; Balme, Jennifer Hobhouse, To Love One's Enemies: The Work and Life of Emily Hobhouse Compiled from Letters and Writings, Newspaper Cuttings and Official Documents, Cobble Hill, Hobhouse Trust, 1994 Google Scholar; van Reenen, R. (ed.), Emily Hobhouse: Boer-War Letters, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1984 Google Scholar.

88 H. H. Hewison, above note 70, p. 218, 205–224.

89 E. van Heyningen, above note 8, p. 276.

90 Schoeman, Karel, Bloemfontein: Die Ontstaan van ’n Stad, 1846–1946, Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1980, p. 176 Google Scholar.

91 Annette Wohlberg, “The Merebank Concentration Camp in Durban, 1901–1902”, MA thesis, University of the Orange Free State, 2000, pp. 202–203.

92 Johannesburg camp report, May 1902, NASA, DBC 12.

93 Circular No. 33, 24 April 1901, NASA, DBC 59; Circular No. 19, 26 March 1901, NASA, DBC 46.

94 General Superintendent of Burgher Camps, Transvaal, to Military Governor of Pretoria, 1–2 July 1901, 30 July 1901 and 17 August 1901, and related correspondence, NASA, MGP 121.

95 Marijke du Toit, “Women, Welfare and the Nurturing of Afrikaner Nationalism: A Social History of the Afrikaanse Christelike Vroue Vereniging, C.1870–1939”, PhD thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996.

96 I. V. Hull, above note 2, pp. 5–90.

97 There is no reference to aid to black men in J. C. de Villiers, above note 7; or in Labuschagne, Pieter, Ghostriders of the Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902): The Role and Contribution of Agterryers, Pretoria, University of South Africa, 1999 Google Scholar.

98 S. Marks, above note 7, p. 159.

99 de Villiers, Jaquez Charl, Healers, Helpers and Hospitals: A History of Military Medicine in the Anglo-Boer War, Vol. 2, Pretoria, Protea Book House, 2008 Google Scholar; A. Davidson and I. Filatova, above note 6, pp. 157–161.