1. E.g. Camps, W.A., An Introduction to Virgil’s Aeneid (Oxford, 1969), 2Google Scholar: ‘There was every reason why he [Virgil] should admire the splendour of Rome’s achievement.’ There was also every reason why he should not. See also Copley, F.O., Latin Literature (Ann Arbor, 1969), 172–75.Google Scholar These two very recent examples show that the potentially disastrous influence of biographical speculation upon the interpretation of the Aeneid is by no means at an end.

2. The ambiguity of the external criteria can be seen by a comparison of the traditional accounts of Virgil’s life with the reconstruction of Sforza, F., ‘The Problem of Virgil’, CR xlix (1935), 97ff.Google Scholar

3. I should like to thank Mr. G.J. Fitzgerald and Miss H. Pope, both of Monash University, for their helpful criticisms of the first draft of Part I.

4. ‘Homo Immemor: Book VI and its Thematic Ramifications’ — to be published in the next issue.

5. See, e.g., Segal, C.P., ‘Aetemum per saecula nomen, The Golden Bough and the Tragedy of History’, Part I: Anon IV,4 (1965), 617–57Google Scholar; Part II: Arion V, l (1966), 34–72.Google Scholar

6. What is meant by this is simply that, since the ideology of empire has been revealed to Aeneas by Anchises in Book VI, Aeneas’ conduct in VII-XII is intended by Virgil to be seen as empire-conduct. In saying this I am of course in line with the traditional interpretations of Aeneas’ development (e.g. Otis, Brooks, Virgil: A Study in Civilised Poetry [Oxford, 1964], 313ff.Google Scholar), though it will be clear that my judgement of Aeneas’ behaviour in the last six books of the poem shows no such orthodoxy.

7. But not by Johnson, W.R., ‘Aeneas and the Ironies of Pietas’, CJ lx (1965), 360–64Google Scholar – an excellent article in which it is demonstrated that pietas has unambiguous connotations of ‘compassion’ at several stages in the Aeneid. See also Camps, op. cit. (n. 1 above), 24.

8. See, e.g., Fenik, B., ‘Parallelism of Theme and Imagery in Aeneid II and IV’, AJP lxxx (1959), 9Google Scholar n. IS, who sees as ‘one of the major underlying tragic themes of the Aeneid — the opposition of reason, discipline, and order, as represented by Aeneas, against the vehement, even heroic, but blind and undisciplined passion characteristic of Dido, Amata, and Turn us.’ The untenability of this thesis is, I hope, shown in ‘1. The Ideology-Reality Dichotomy’ (below).

9. It is important to realize at the outset that contrary to what has been frequently assumed (e.g. by Williams, RD. 1., ‘The Purpose of the Aeneid’, Antichthon I, 1 [1967], 29–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and 2., ‘The Opening Scenes of the Aeneid’, Proc. Virgil Soc. v [1965–66], 19–23) the overtly ideological passages of the Aeneid cannot be taken in themselves to indicate any admiration on Virgil’s part for the achievements of Rome and the Augustan regime. Knowledge of Virgil’s attitude to res Romanae can be obtained only through a detailed and painstaking consideration of the dynamic relationship between the ideological passages and the rest of the poem.

10. To be examined in Part II.

11. As a colleague of mine, Miss H. Pope, has pointed out in an unpublished paper, the ideological passages themselves contain covert suggestions which serve to undermine the overt ideology of the passages.

12. This association is discussed below in ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’.

13. Cf. the recurrence of this phrase at XII, 8 in connection with Turn us (discussed below).

14. On the ideology-reinforcing nature of the pictures on the shield see Williams, op. cit. (1. n. 9 above), 31–32.

15. See the perspicacious comments of Poe, J.P., ‘Success and Failure in the Mission of Aeneas’, TAPA xcvi (1965), 330.Google Scholar

16. Cf. a vertice flamma …. vomit (X, 270–71) with flammas …. vomunt …. vertice (VIII,680–81), and note especially stans celsa in puppi (‘standing on the high stern’, VIII, 680) repeated word for word at X,261 – cf. 111,527, IV,554, and XII,564.

17. Perhaps another intentional verbal echo of the description of Furor impius at 1,296.

18. On this see Johnson, op. cit. (n. 7 above), 363, Bowra, CM., ‘Aeneas and the Stoic Ideal’, G&R iii (1933–34), 17ff.Google Scholar, and Quinn, K., Virgil’s Aeneid: A Critical Description (London, 1968), 18Google Scholar. Otis, op. cit. (n. 6 above), 357ff., is able to construe Aeneas’ vendetta as a manifestation of humanitas only by confusing ‘humane’ with ‘human’ (cf. also Otis’ article, ‘Virgil and Cleo’, Phoenix xx [l966],62). For a similar view to that of Otis see Prescott, H.W., The Development of Virgil’s Art (New York, 1963), 477Google Scholar: ‘Even in the battle scenes the poet presents him [Aeneas] as an ideal man as well as a warrior; Aeneas comprehends in himself the cardinal virtues of the Roman citizen in peace and war.’

19. That it is the personal relationship between Aeneas and Pallas and Evander which provides the motive for the vendetta is clear from X,515–17.

20. This theme — the repetition of human experience or the tragic cycle of history — will be considered in Part II. On the futile nature of heroic conduct see the excellent chapter, ‘The Heroic Impulse’, in Quinn, op. cit. (n. 18 above), 1–22.

21. See ibid., 341–43.

22. The embarassment is of course exhibited only by those critics who have noticed Aeneas’ conduct here, e.g. Camps, op. cit. (n. 1 above), 29: ‘Human sacrifice was barbaric to authors such as Cicero and Livy, and Virgil’s presentation of Aeneas here remains extraordinary.’ See also Jackson-Knight, W.F., Roman Vergil (Harmondsworth, 1966), 365Google Scholar. There is a report in Suetonius (Vit. Aug., 15) that Augustus sacrificed 300 prisoners of the Perusine war on the Ides of March at the altar of Julius Caesar — an action which, it might be argued, bears much thinking upon by those who wish to see in the characterisation of Aeneas the poet’s sincere admiration for Augustus and his achievements.

23. Cf. vinxerat etpost manus (‘and he had bound their hands behind them’, XI,81) with the portrayal of Furor impius as vinctus … post tergum (‘bound behind his back’, 1,295–6).

24. Cf. sparsurus sanguine (‘to sprinkle with blood’, XI,82) with the description of the brambles sprinkled with the blood of the perfidious Alban (sparsi sanguine, VI1I.645).

25. Discussed below in ‘2. The Disparity between Achievement and Cost’ and n. 74.

26. It is probably not coincidental that clemency (clementia) was an acclaimed virtue of Augustus. The golden shield presented to Augustus in 28 or 27 B.C. by the senate and the people of Rome commemorated his virtus, dementia, iustitia, and pietas (Res Gestae, 34).

27. The anomalies of Aeneas’ behaviour were noted by Lactantius, Inst. 5.10.5, who contrasts Aeneas’ conduct after the death of Pallas (particularly his capture of prisoners for sacrifice) and his behaviour at the end of Book XII with his promises of peace to the Italian envoys at XI,110–111.

28. Cf. Putnam, M.C.J., The Poetry of the Aeneid (Cambridge, Mass., 1966Google Scholar), c. 4 ‘Tragic Victory’, although Putnam’s claim that Book XII represents ‘at least a partial revaluation of his [Virgil’s] epic’s purpose and achievement’ (152) seems to me ill founded.

29. A fuller discussion of imagery is reserved for ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’ (below).

30. Hunting imagery is particularly appropriate for recalling the fate of Dido: see, e.g., the hunt (IV,129ff.) which proved Dido’s ruin and the picture of Aeneas, the hunter, who unwarily wounds Dido (IV,69ff.). Significantly in the simile at XII,749ff. Aeneas, the hunter, is no longer described as nescius (‘unwary’, IV,72). The wound image is also important in this connection; like Dido, Turnus is wounded by Aeneas (cf. XII,4ff. with IV,1–2, 69ff.). On the deer image and its role in reinforcing the parallelism of the fates of Dido and Turnus see‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’ (below).

31. Fire, storm, serpent and wound images are associated with the Greek sack of Troy in Book II – see ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’ (below).

32. On thematic and verbal parallelism in Book XII see Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), c. 4. Additional support for my interpretation of Aeneas’ behaviour in Book XII can be found in the thematic and verbal parallelism between (a) Amata’s words at XII,56–60 and those of Dido at IV,314–19 (note also the expression at regina, [‘but the queen’, XII.S4 ], which recalls the use of the same words as a description of Dido at the beginning of each of the three main sections of Book IV, i.e. 1,296,504, and the epithet, moritura [‘destined to die’, XII.SS], used of Dido at IV,308,415,519,604), and (b) Amata’s suicide at XII,593ff. and Dido’s self-destruction at the end of Book IV (note the recurrence of the emotive ‘Dido’ adjectives, moritura, XII,602, and infelix [‘ill-starred’, XII,598] – cf. 1,712,749; IV.68,450, 529,596; VI,456). Such parallelism seems designed to elicit sympathy from the reader for the victims of Aeneas and of Rome.

33. See Knox’s, B.M.W. important article, ‘The Serpent and the Flame: the Imagery of the Second Book of the Aeneid’, AJP lxxi (1950), 393Google Scholar (reprinted in Commager, S. [ed.], Virgil [Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1966], 124–42Google Scholar).

34. See ibid., 394–95.

35. To be discussed in Part II. On the Aeneas-Achilles analogue see Anderson, W.S., ‘Vergil’s Second Iliad’, TAPA lxxxviii (1957), 17–30Google Scholar, and Mackay, L.A., ‘Achilles as Model for Aeneas’, TAPA lxxxviii (1957), 11–16.Google Scholar

36. This failure of the pictures to effect Aeneas’ consequent behaviour, so that he reproduces in his own conduct the atrocities of the Trojan war and generates the sort of human tragedy and loss which the pictures themselves deprecate, is one of the most important connotations of the enigmatic phrase, animum pictura pascit inani (‘he fed his soul on the useless picture’, 1,464). See ‘2.The disparity between Achievement and Cost’ (below) and Part II.

37. Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), 174, rightly regards Venus’ role in XII as destructive, but seems to me mistaken in seeing her role as having changed as the poem progresses. Throughout the whole of the Aeneid Venus’ behaviour is capricious, unscrupulous and utterly consistent, manifesting at all times a perverse blindness to considerations other than those which effect Aeneas’ personal safety and advancement.

38. Ibid., 189–90, has a similar, though not identical, account of the significance of this episode.

39. Jupiter’s rape of Juturna’s virginity is emphasized at XII,141 and 878, and seems to function as a symbol of Aeneas’ conquest of virgin Italy, which is suggested elsewhere to be akin to virgin-rape. See further n.75 and Part II. For the connection of the virgin-rape analogue with the golden bough see Segal, C.P., ‘The Hesitation of the Golden Bough: A Reexamination’, Hermes xcvi (1968–69), 79.Google Scholar

40. Both regard life as meaningless without their respective loved ones and both lament bitterly not joining them in death (cf. XII,872–84 with IV,675–85). The parallelism is pinpointed by the repetition of the line, unguibus ora soror foedans et pectora pugnis (‘the sister tearing her face with her nails and bruising her breast with her fists’) at IV,673 (of Anna’s reaction to Dido’s death), and XII,871 (of Juturna’s response to the imminent end of Turnus). See Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), 199.

41. The periphrastic description of the three Dirae (XII.845–47) enables Virgil to use in connection with these fiends the epithet, geminae (‘twin’, 845), which, together with the reference to serpentum spiris (‘serpent coils’, XII.848), serves to recall the prime symbols of furor in II, the gemini angues or dracones (‘twin serpents’, 11,203–4 and 225 — discussed below in ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’). Indeed, because of the occurrence of the adjective geminus, in connection with serpents at II,203,225,VII,450,VIII,289,697, with the Atreidae at 11,415,500 and VIII, 130, and with the Dirae at XII,845, it might not be too fanciful to ascribe sinister overtones to the adjective in some of the other contexts in which it occurs (e.g. I,274,VI,779,VIII,631: in connection with Romulus and Remus; VII,280,XI,72: in connection with Aeneas; VIII,680: in connection with Augustus; VI,893,VII,607: in connection with the gates of sleep and war respectively; VI,190,203: in connection with the golden bough). See also Poe, op. cit. (n. IS above), 335–36.

Note also that the use of the expression, mortalibus aegris (‘suffering humanity’, XII, 850), connects the action of the Dirae with Aeneas’ conduct in X (cf. X,274) and the furor and violence that erupts at Troy in II (cf. II, 268).

42. See also Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), 201, Johnson, op. cit. (n. 7 ạbove), 363 n. 12, and Mackay, L.A., ‘Heroe and Theme in the Aeneid’, TAPA xciv, (1963), 162..Google Scholar

43. See, e.g., Anderson, W.S., The Art of the Aeneid (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.,1969), 92–93.Google Scholar

44. Cf. the occurrence of this phrase at IX,341 (discussed above).

45. See, e.g., Otis, op. cit. (n. 6 above), 374 n. 1, and Anderson op. cit. (n.43 above), 93–94.

46. The complexities of Aeneas’ psychology are examined in Part II.

47. For further discussions of this final scene see the end of ‘2. The Disparity between Achievement and Cost’ and of ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’ (below), and nn. 85–90.

48. See esp. XII,43,243,653,777,934.

49. Turnus’ tragic insight is soundly discussed by Quinn, op. cit. (n. 18 above), 330–32 and 335–36.

50. Note the recurrence in XII of ‘Trojan’ phrases in connection with Aeneas’ conduct in battle (Rhoeteius hostis, 456, Troius heros, 502, Tros Aeneas, 723, Dardanides, 775) to suggest once more (see above) the resurrection of old Troy and its code of frenzied, violent heroism.

51. To be discussed in Part II.

52. Cf. Parry, A., ‘The Two Voices of Virgil’s Aeneid’, Arion II, 4 (1963), 66–80Google Scholar (reprinted in Commager, op. cit. [n. 33 above], 107–23), and Segal, op. cit. (n. 5 above).

53. In essentials the view of Feder, L., ‘Vergil’s Tragic Theme’, CJ xlix (1953–54), 198Google Scholar. Equally mistaken is the ‘dualism’ of critics such as Williams (op.cit. [1 n. 7 above], 32–36) who see the Aeneid as an exploration of the tension between the constituents of these antinomies without any indication of their disparity.

54. To be discussed in Part II.

55. Indeed to such an extent that Aeneas himself becomes a second ‘savage Achilles’ (saevum Achillem, 1,458) — see above and further in Part II – despite the insistence in the pictures upon the futile and tragic slaughter which Achilles perpetrated. I do not, however, wish to imply that the only implication of inani is ‘inability to effect action’. Pictura inani also connotes the worthlessness’ of the pictures in that the fame (praemia laudi) which they bestow upon the individual does not compensate for the loss incurred. Inanis is one of the key words of the Aeneid, as one would expect in a poem that deals primarily with the issue of human failure. For another approach to pictura inani see Parry, op. cit. (n. 5 2 above), 80.

56. The immemor theme and its importance for the development of Aeneas’ psychology is examined in Part II.

57. See Quinn’s excellent comments, op. cit. (n.18 above), 17–22.

58. It seems pointless to argue (as Otis, op. cit. [n. 6. above], 260–61) that Virgil’s intention in this episode is to mark ‘the strongest contrast’ between Aeneas’ new Troy, Rome, and that of Helenus and Andromache, unless there are clear indications that in the final books of the Aeneid Virgil is concerned to portray his hero as avoiding the mistake of building a new Troy in terms of the old. The evidence of the battle books of the Aeneid (IX-XII) in fact supports the opposite contention (see above ‘1. The Ideology-Reality Dichotomy’, n. 50, and further in Part II).

59. Cf. Quinn, op. cit. (n. 18 above), 129: ‘Observe how the pathos of the scene is drawn out by delaying the key word inanem, line 304 (with its usual ambiguity – (1) “empty”; (2) “useless”).’

60. Though this has been much disputed, e.g. by Feder, op. cit. (n. 5 3 above), 203ff., Otis, op. cit. (n. 6 above), 264ff., and Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 43–49. Dudley, D.R., ‘A Plea for Aeneas‘, G&R n.s. viii (1961), 56ffGoogle Scholar., seems to have the balance right, though his view that Aeneas’ achievements in the second half of the poem justify his behaviour in Book IV seems to me utterly untenable. The concise and similarly balanced account of Austin, R.G. in his edition of Aeneid IV (Oxford, 1955), xi–xviiGoogle Scholar, is unfortunately spoilt by a Christian interpretation of Aeneas’ mission.

61. On the recurrence of flame, wound and hunting images in Book IV and related images associated with the notions of capture or conquest see Newton, F.L., ‘Recurrent Imagery in Aeneid IV’, TAPA lxxxviii (1957), 31–43Google Scholar. See also Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 43–44, and below ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’, in which the most important occurrences of flame, wound, and storm images in association with Dido’s love for Aeneas and the behawiour to which it gives rise are listed.

62. For pios = ‘compassionate’ here see Johnson, op. cit. (n. 7 above), 360–61.

63. But only in a sense. Too much seems to be made of this by Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 4Sff., and Quinn, K., Latin Explorations (London, 1963), 29–58.Google Scholar

64. The important notions of capture and deceit in this episode are well noted by Newton, op. cit. (n. 61 above), 33.

65. See Camps, op. cit. (n. 1 above), 33–35.

66. As Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 47: ‘But he [Virgil] expected his audience to distinguish intelligently, not sentimentally, between infelix Dido, tragic victim of her guilt and impossible circumstances, and pius Aeneas, unhappy, heroic servant of destiny who accepts the necessity of denying his own deepest emotions.’

67. For the light-dark alternation theory in respect of the books of the Aeneid see Conway, R.S., ‘The Architecture of the Epic’, Harvard Lectures on the Vergilian Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1928), 129–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the modified agreement expressed by Duckworth, G.E., ‘The Architecture of the Aeneid’, AJP lxxv (1954), 5.Google Scholar

68. Particularly important are the emphasis upon Palinurus’ innocence (insonti, 841), his courage, loyalty and steadfastness (847–53 and 856), his vain cries for help (nequiquam saepe vocantem, 860), and the injustice of Aeneas’ remark at 870. The resistance of Palinurus (cunctanti, V,856), as of Dido (cunctantem, IV, 133), the golden bough (cunctantem, VI.211), Turnus (cunctantem, VII.449, cunctanti, XII,919), Vulcan (cunctantem, VIII,388) and Aeneas himself (cunctantem, XII.940), to the exigencies of empire is of no avail. This theme of ineffectual resistance will be examined more fully in Part II. On the resistance of the golden bough see Segal, op. cit. (n. 39 above), 74–79.

69. Foreshadowed by the Marcellus episode of Book VI (860–86) which follows immediately upon the ideological maxims of Anchises. Note the emphasis in that episode upon Marcellus’ youth (iuvenem, 861, puer, 875 and 882). See further in Part II.

70. Cf. the similar emphasis upon Euryalus’ youth at V,295–96.

71. Iuvenis, iuventus, etc., need not always have the connotation of ‘youth’; there are many cases where a military significance is the dominant one (see Mackay, L.A., ‘Three Levels of Meaning in Aeneid VI’, TAPA lxxxvi [1955], 186Google Scholar n. 8). However it can hardly be doubted that in a number of important passages the primary connotation intended by the poet is that of ‘youth’, together with the related associations of ‘immaturity’ and (in a sense) ‘innocence’; e.g. VI.861 (Marcellus), IX,181,249,399 (Nisus and Euryalus), X.445,464, XI,51,67,76,156 (Pallas), X,793,796,816 (Lausus), XII,19,149,221,598 (Turnus – in his conflict with the non-iuvenis, Aeneas).

72. Their youth is emphasized at important junctures by the use of iuvenis (see preceding note) and puer (X, 825 [Lausus], XI.42 [Pallas] – cf. VIII,S81 and XII.943). For the parallelism of their deaths and Virgil’s implicit comment see Quinn, op. cit. (n. 18 above), 341–43.

73. Virgil himself confirms this at XI,62–63 in his comment upon the funeral procession to be sent to Evander: solacia luctus / exigua ingentis (‘scant solace for huge grief’). The loss is great and the recompense small.

74. There are strong indications within Aeneas’ speech (XI,42–5 8) that the expression, in magnum imperium (47), is intended by Aeneas to have ironic overtones: the potent juxtaposition of the expression with the bitter reference to unfulfilled promises (45–46), the emphasis upon the idle hopes (spe inani, 49) of Evander, and the explicit comment upon the worthless nature of the honor paid to the now lifeless Pallas (51–52). Aeneas’ acknowledgement here of the hollow nature of repute, fame and glory contrasts sharply with the naivety displayed in his speech over the dead body of Lausus (X,825–30 – discussed above in ‘1. The Ideology-Reality Dichotomy’). His claim on that occasion that Lausus would find solace in the glory of being slain by the hand of great Aeneas (829–30) cannot be taken as ironic; any attempt to ascribe to Aeneas in those lines a basic disillusionment with the values of his mission (which the irony interpretation would suggest) would find support neither in the speech itself nor in Aeneas’ behaviour immediately consequent upon the speech (note particularly 1. Aeneas’ killing of Lausus’ father, Mezentius, in a contest which he anticipates with joy [laetus, 874], and which he concludes with a cruel taunt [897–98]; 2. Aeneas’ failure to be moved by the death of Mezentius; 3. Aeneas’ failure to reflect upon the implications of both that death and the deaths of Lausus and the other Italians he has killed — when the opportunity is given him to do so at the beginning of Book XI). The problem of the development of Aeneas’ psychology is a complex one and a full discussion is reserved for Part II; but it is worth mentioning here that the insights exhibited by Aeneas in his speech over the body of Pallas are elicited by the demands of a very particular context (the boy who was his responsibility lies dead before him) and by the enormous guilt feelings which this particular context arouses in him. These insights are in fact very restricted and, as it turns out, evanescent. They fail to produce a wider understanding in Aeneas of the implications of his own behaviour and consequently leave unaltered and undiminished both the destructive nature of his conduct (XI,81–82) and the firmness of his support for the mission (note that he is the first to recommence hostilities — XI, 446).

75. Note also the emphasis upon the virginity of her comrades, both human and divine: XI, 533,536,557,655. The stress upon virginity in Book XI serves also to reinforce the virgin-rape analogue for Aeneas’ conquest of Italy (see above n. 39 and further in Part II).

76. See Quinn, op. cit. (n. 1 8 above), 249.

77. See, e.g., the description of Camilla at VII,808–11, and the emphasis upon her wild, rustic upbringing at XI,570ff. Not that Camilla is purity par excellence; she is after all a warrior-maid, and Virgil never lets us forget this – her aristeia in XI is as bloodthirsty and as merciless as that of any of the other leaders.

78. For further discussion of this final scene see the end of ‘3. The Imagery of the Aeneid’ (below) and nn. 85–90.

79. Works on Virgil’s imagery include: Pὅschl, V., Die Dichtkunst Virgils: Bild und Symbol in der Aeneis (Innsbruck, 1950 — trans. Seligson, G., Ann Arbor, 1962Google Scholar), Knox, op. cit. (n. 33 above), Brooks, R.A., ‘Discolor Aura: Reflections on the Golden Bough’, AJP lxxiv (1953), 260–80Google Scholar (reprinted in Commager, op. cit. (n. 33 above), 143–63), Newton, op. cit. (n. 61 above), Fenik, op. cit. (n. 8 above), Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), Poe, op. cit. (n. 15 above), Segal, op. cit. (n. 5 above).

80. It is true that deers are mentioned elsewhere, but only briefly and in insignificant or unrelated contexts: V,253, VI,802, X,725. The brief reference at IV,154–55 to cervi in flight is, however, probably significant and related to the pattern of symbolism under discussion because of the simile at IV,69–73.

81. The ‘eternal’ nature of Juno’s wound seems to emphasize at the outset of the poem Virgil’s belief that the annihilistic, violent and non-rational forces which Juno represents are a permanent constituent of the universe.

82. Cf. also 11,278,286,336–38,436,496–99, 610ff.,630,692–93.

83. See the excellent discussion in Knox, op. cit. (n. 33 above) and Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), c. 1.

84. E.g. Knox, op. cit. (n. 33 above), 397, Fenik, op. cit. (n. 8 above), 13, Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), 39–41. See, however, Poe, op. cit. (n. 15 above), 328–29, who, despite Knox, believes that the imagery here suggests ‘that the mission which Ascanius represents has its sinister aspects’ (329).

85. The functional semantic ambiguity of this phrase is well discussed by Quinn, K., ‘Some Dying Words: Tragic Insight in the Aeneid and the Question of Virgil’s Competence’, Aumla xxii (1964), 179.Google Scholar

86. Immolat recalls the theme of sacrifice which pervades the poem; Creusa, Dido, Palinurus, Misenus, Nisus, Euryalus, Pallas, Lausus, Camilla, Amata, Turnus are all in a clear sense sacrifices. In particular immolat recalls Aeneas’ conduct during his vendetta in Book X – his capture of eight Italian youths with the intention to offer them as living sacrifices (quos immolet, X,519) to the shade of Pallas and his ‘sacrificial’ slaying (immolat, X,541) of the son of Haemon, a priest of Phoebus and Trivia. It is surely not accidental that each instance of the verb, immolo, in the Aeneid (immolat, X,541,XII,949, and immolet, X,519) is used to describe a vindictive act of Aeneas. Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 106, oddly regards the image of sacrifice at XII.949 as ‘non-thematic’.

87. Note the parallel phrase, sceleratas sumere poenas (11,576), used of Aeneas’ clearly unjustified passion to kill Helen.

88. Noted also by Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 105, who, however, does not see its connection with the serpent image.

89. Cf. also the use of three successive sibilants in the important description of Furor impius: saeva sedens super (1,295). For other instances of the association of sibilants and the serpent image see II,379–80,475,V,84–85,VII,374–75,XI,753,XII,848.

90. The final scene of the Aeneid has been much discussed. An excellent analysis can be found in Anderson, op. cit. (n. 43 above), 101–9, though his view that Aeneas’ conduct is something of a momentary aberration is at odds with the facts of the poem (most notoriously the vendetta of X). For other anti-Aeneas interpretations of this final scene see Beare, R., ‘Invidious Success: Some Thoughts on the End of the Aeneid’, Proc. Virgil Soc. v (1964–65), 18–30Google Scholar, Putnam, op. cit. (n. 28 above), 200–1, Quinn, op. cit. (n, 18 above), 271–76, Little, D.A., ‘The Death of Turnus and the Pessimism of the Aeneid’, Aumla xxxiii (1970), 67–76Google Scholar. For odern exponents of the traditional (vid. Donatus on XII.947–49, and Servius on XII,940) pro-Aeneas attitude to this passage see Thornton, A.H., ‘The Last Scene of the Aeneid’, G&R xxii (1953), 82–84Google Scholar, Feder, op. cit. (n. 53 above), 208, Duckworth, G.E., ‘Fate and Free Will in Virgil’s Aeneid’, CJ li (1955–56), 362Google Scholar, Otis, op. cit. (n. 6 above), 379–82, and Camps, op. cit. (n. 1 above), 29.