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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
The dynasty which ruled the khānate of Bukhara during the greater part of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries claimed descent from Chingiz Khān's son Jochi, as did the Shaybānids of the preceding dynasty. It is known as Ashtarkhānid, to recall the place of origin of the family, viz. Astrakhan. More often it is referred to as Jānid, after Jānāī Muḥammad Khān, who is considered by some as the first ruler of the dynasty. But it will be seen that there is no clear basis for such an assumption, and that in fact his father and his eldest son were between them the founders of the dynasty
1 Mac Chesney, R. D., ‘The “reforms” of Bāqī Muḥammad Khān’ Central Asiatic Journal, xxiv, 1980, 69Google Scholar, calls the dynasty Tuqāy Timūrid after an ancestor who was Chinghiz Khān's grandson. See Maḥmūdb, Wālī (hereafter MBW), Bahr al-asrār fī manāqib al-akhyār, India Office Library, Ethé 575, fols. 2b–4aGoogle Scholar, for the full genealogy. Muhammad Yūsuf Munshī b. Khwajah Baqa (hereafter MYM), Tadkhkira-i Muqīm khānī, BL Or. 6478, fol. 242b, does not mention Tuqāy Timūr, and gives as their ancestor a certain Arsh Khān, son of Jochi. Hiājjī Mīr Muhammad Salīm, Sihilat al-salāfin, Bodleian Ethé/Sachau 169/Ouseley 269, fol. 156b, gives the name of Jochi's son as Urūs.
2 Dickson, M. B., Shāh Tahmásb and the Uzbeks (the duel for Khurásán with Vbayd Khan 930– 946\1524–1540) (Princeton University Ph.D. thesis, 1958, unpublished), 161, 166, 228Google Scholar. When ‘Ubaydallah lost the support of the Khan for his campaign in Khurasan, his troops dwindled and he was forced to give up and return to the khanate.
3 MYM, fols. 242b–243a. MBW, fols. 38a–39b, 43a–51a, 40a–b, 58b. Muḥammad, ṢāliḥKanb|yi, Lahauri (hereafter MSK), ‘Amal-i-Sālih, ed. Ghulam, Yazdani, Bibliotlieca Indica (Calcutta, 1912–1939), I, 303Google Scholar. Lāhaurī, , for ‘Abd al-Hamīd Lāhaurī, Padshāhnāma, ed. Maulāwī, Kabīr al-Din Ahmad/Maulawi, ‘Abd al-Rahīm Mutaalqīn, Bibliotheca Indica (Calcutta, 1866–1872), I, i, 217Google Scholar.
4 Hājjī Mīr, fols. 157a–160b. MBW, fols. 41b, 53a–55b. Iskandar, Beg Munshī, Tā'rīkh-i ālam ārā-i ‘Abbāsī, ed. n.n. (Tehran, A.S.H. 1350/1971), 558–560Google Scholar. In Balkh a certain ‘Abd al-Amīn had been recognized at the death of ‘Abd al-Mū'min, but he thought it wise, since his claim was shaky and probably invalid, to recognize Pīr Muhammad II. The khāqān, whose own position was precarious, and who needed his support, then confirmed him as governor of Balkh.
5 Ahmad, b. Shams al-Dīn al-Asīl, Miftah al-qulūb, Christ's, Cambridge, DD 4.6, fols. 555b–556aGoogle Scholar. Don, Juan de Persia, Relaciones de Don Juan de Persia dirigidas a la magestad catholica de Don Philippe III, Rey de las Espanas, y señor nuestro (Valladolid, 1604), fols. 115 ob–116 obGoogle Scholar. Mīrzā Beg b. Hasan Husaynī Junābādī, Raudat-i Safawiyya, BL Or. 3388, fols. 394a–397b.
6 MYM, fols. 243a–b.
7 See Lane-Poole, S., Catalogue of oriental coins in the British Museum, vii (London, 1882), 67Google Scholar, for mention of a coin minted in 1007.
8 MBW, fols. 61a–b, 72b.
9 Lāhaurī, l, i, 218. MSK, i, 305. MBW, fol.42a. Here these princes are said to have been, respectively, a full brother, a half-brother, and a nephew of Jānī Muhammad's. Hājjī Mīr, fols. 127a, 160b, says Tursūn Muhammad was a son of Yār Muhammad, and the father of ‘Abbās Sultān.
10 MBW, fols. 65a–b, 42a. Hājjī Mir, fols. 127a, 160b, 161a, 156b–157a. ‘Abbās Sultān and Rahmān Sultān were the sons of Tursūn (Muhammad) Sultān. Iskandar Beg, 591, says mistakenly that Tursūn Muhammad was Bāqī Muhammad's brother.
11 MBW, fols. 62a, 65a–b, 64b. ‘Abbās Sultān governed Shiburghan, Rahman Qulī governed Sakharj (?), and Pīr Muhammad was given the governorship of Ūrā Tepeh. Wālī Muhammad was apparently proclaimed ruler of Balkh at the beginning of Rabī I 1009(?)/10 September 1600.
12 Hājjī Mir, fols. 156b, 157a, 163a–164a, 161b. de Zambaur, E., Manuel de généalogie el de chronologie pour I'histoire de I'Islam (Hanover, 1927), 270Google Scholar, gives the length of JanI Muhammad's reign as a few months in 1009.
13 MBW, fols. 58b, 51a–52b, 56a–57b.
14 Davidovich, E. A., ’Serebryanye monety udel'nykh vladetelei kak istochnik po istorii Srednei Azii xvi v. ’in Pis'mennye pamyatniki vostoka. Istor.filol. issledovaniya, vyp.6, 1973 (Moscow, 1979), 71Google Scholar.
15 Davidovich, E. A., htoriya monetnogo dela Srednei Azii xvu–xvin vv. (Zolotye i serebryanye monety Djanidov) (Dushanbe, 1964), 14Google Scholar.
16 Lane-Poole, cited in n. 6 above. Lowick, N. M., ‘Shaybanid silver coins’, Numismatic Chronicle, 1966, 311Google Scholar. Davidovich, , ‘Serebryanye monety’.art. cit. 72–81Google Scholar.
17 Ḥāfiẓ Tanīsh b. Mīr Muhammad al-Bukhārī, Sharafnāma-i shāhī, BL Or. 3497, fols. 34b–36b, 40b, 42b. Burton, J. A., Bukharans in trade and diplomacy, 1558–1702 (Manchester University Ph.D. thesis, 1986, unpublished), 31–2Google Scholar.
18 ibid., 45, 48–9, 248–51, about Muhammad Ibrāhīm.
19 Davidovich, , Istoriya, 14Google Scholar.
