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Early Chartist Organization and the Convention of 1839*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

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With the imprisonment of many activists throughout the year, the rejection of the first National Petition in July, the dissolution of the Convention in September, and the catastrophe of the ill-fated Newport Rising in November, early Chartism ended in failure in the second half of 1839. One of the most common reasons given in the literature for the failure has been the lack of internal cohesion in the movement, usually illustrated by reference to the political conflicts between physical- and moral-force groups. Despite the analytical inadequacy of such generic terms it is indisputable that Chartism was deficient in natural unity. It was a coalition of many different radical associations and personalities with a multiplicity of varied experiences, traditions and beliefs. As a consequence, the early Chartist movement only made progress by adopting certain symbols of unification: the National Petition and Rent, and a commitment to a National Convention. These symbols then became specific goals of Chartism. However, little consideration has previously been given to asking whether Chartism was an efficient instrument in itself for achieving these objectives, or if the organization of the Convention undermined the political credibility of the movement. This article attempts to illustrate Chartism's need for organization and leadership from the Convention, and suggests that inefficient organization was an important cause of the relative failure to achieve its immediate objectives, and for the progressive abdication of leadership by the Convention.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1975

References

page 370 note 1 A Return from each Gaol and House of Correction in the United Kingdom from January 1, 1839 to June 1, 1840, stating: (1) The Name of every Person confined for Charges for Printing and Publishing Seditious or Blasphemous Libel, or for attending any Seditious Meetings, or for any offence of a Political Nature; the Nature of the Charge; the Term of Sentence suffered, (2) The Treatment before and after conviction, […] (4) Comparative Treatment of Persons Confined for Misdemeanour before and after Conviction or Sentence [Parliamentary Papers: Accounts and Papers, 1840, XXXVIII].Google Scholar

page 370 note 2 Officially titled the General Convention of the Industrious Classes, but known generally as the National Convention, or simply the Convention.

page 371 note 1 A former Irish MP, and owner of the Northern Star. Delegate to the Convention for the West Riding of Yorkshire and Bristol.

page 371 note 2 By R. K. Douglas.

page 371 note 3 The Charter was drafted as a bill for parliament, whereas the petition was a rather verbose document full of Thomas Attwood's currency notions.

page 371 note 4 Gammage and subsequent historians believed that equal electoral districts were a part of universal suffrage. Cf. Gammage, R. G., History of the Chartist Movement, 2nd ed. (London, 1894), p. 90.Google Scholar

page 372 note 1 Lovett, William, The Life and Struggles of William Lovett in his Pursuit of Bread, Knowledge and Freedom (new ed., London, 1967), pp. 142–43.Google Scholar

page 372 note 2 The collected papers of Henry Vincent at Transport House, London, reference 1/1/6. See also Webb, R. F., “Birmingham and the Chartist Movement” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Birmingham University, 1926), p. 21.Google Scholar

page 372 note 3 The Times, 21 May 1839.

page 373 note 1 Hovell, M., The Chartist Movement, 3rd ed. (Manchester, 1970), pp. 112–13.Google Scholar

page 373 note 2 Briggs, Asa, “Social Structure and Politics in Birmingham and Lyons”, in: British Journal of Sociology, I (1950), pp. 6780.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 373 note 3 In fact, even before O'Connor arrived in Birmingham, a local working man complained that “he had learned that to ensure the success of a motion in the Council, it was necessary that it should proceed from some wealthy and influential individual of that body – and not from a mere working man like himself”. Northern Star, 17 November 1838.

page 373 note 4 Ibid., 22 December 1838.

page 373 note 5 Ibid.

page 374 note 1 Delegate to the Convention for Derby, Northumberland and Norwich.

page 374 note 2 Schoyen, A. R., The Chartist Challenge (London, 1958), p. 19.Google Scholar

page 374 note 3 Delegate to the Convention for London, except Marylebone, and Stockport.

page 374 note 4 Delegate to the Convention for Hull, Cheltenham and Bristol.

page 374 note 5 Secretary of the LWMA and the Convention, and one of the delegates for London.

page 374 note 6 Delegate to the Convention for London, except Marylebone, Leigh, Bristol, Norwich, Newport (Isle of Wight), and Stockport.

page 374 note 7 Plummer, A., Bronterre (London, 1971), p. 88.Google Scholar

page 374 note 8 Northern Star, 10 November 1838.

page 374 note 9 A. Plummer, op. cit., p. 88.

page 375 note 1 Delegate to the Convention for Renfrewshire, Newcastle, Carlisle, Wigton, Alva and Tillicoultry.

page 375 note 2 Wilson, A., The Chartist Movement in Scotland (Manchester, 1970), p. 65.Google Scholar

page 375 note 3 W. Lovett, op. cit., p. 165.

page 375 note 4 A. Plummer, op. cit., p. 92.

page 375 note 5 Northern Star, 22 December 1838.

page 375 note 6 Ibid., 29 December 1838.

page 375 note 7 Ibid., 19 January 1839.

page 376 note 1 R. F. Webb, op. cit., p. 23.

page 376 note 2 W. Lovett, op. cit., p. 166.

page 376 note 3 Northern Star, 9 February 1839.

page 376 note 4 W. Lovett, op. cit., pp. 150, 167.

page 377 note 1 Cf. British Museum, Additional Manuscripts (hereafter BMAM), 34245A, ff. 9, 13, 17, 23, 34, 284–85, 331.

page 377 note 2 Cf. M. Hovell, op. cit., ch. VII passim; A. Wilson, op. cit., ch. V passim; R. G. Gammage, op. cit., ch. VI passim; and Rosenblatt, F. E., The Chartist Movement (London, 1967),Google Scholar ch. X passim.

page 377 note 3 See the letter-books of the Convention preserved in BMAM 34245A-B.

page 377 note 4 Some documents, such as the questionnaire sent out to Chartist associations early in the life of the Convention, were printed. BMAM 34245B, ff. 276–311. For an analysis of the results see Rowe, D.J., “The Chartist Convention and the Regions”, in: Economic History Review, Second Series, XXII (1969).Google Scholar

page 377 note 5 A. Plummer, op. cit., p. 97.

page 377 note 6 BMAM 34245A, f. 28. The chief problem for the Convention was whether to allow him one or two weeks notice of termination of employment!

page 377 note 7 Cf. McCord, N., The Anti-Corn Law League 1838–46, 2nd ed. (London, 1968),Google Scholar ch. VII passim. For a detailed comparison of the early years refer to the letter-books of the League for 1838–40 in Manchester Central Reference Library.

page 378 note 1 Northern Star, 29 December 1838.

page 378 note 2 BMAM 34245B, f. 38.

page 378 note 3 Northern Star, 18 August 1839.

page 378 note 4 E.g., in Tower Hamlets and Southwark, BMAM 34245A, ff. 118, 275. Cited in D.J. Rowe, “Failure of London Chartism”, in: Historical Journal, XI (1968), pp. 477–78.

page 379 note 1 BMAM 34245B, f. 101.

page 379 note 2 Ibid., f. 57.

page 379 note 3 A. Hummer, op. cit., p. 105.

page 379 note 4 Northern Star, 19 January 1839.

page 380 note 1 Western Vindicator, 6 April 1839.

page 380 note 2 Delegate to the Convention for Hyde, Stalybridge, Glossop and Newmills.

page 380 note 3 Delegate to the Convention for Sheffield and Rotherham.

page 380 note 4 Norfolk Chronicle and Norwich Gazette, 16 March 1839.

page 380 note 5 BMAM 34245A, f. 148.

page 381 note 1 Ibid., f. 235.

page 381 note 2 Delegate to the Convention for Newcastle and Northumberland.

page 381 note 3 BMAM 34245A, f. 169.

page 381 note 4 Delegate to the Convention for the Potteries,

page 381 note 5 BMAM 34245A, f. 173.

page 381 note 6 Although Attwood and the BPU would have copied the idea from O'Connell's Irish agitation.

page 381 note 7 Ward, J. T., Chartism (London, 1973), p. 114.Google Scholar

page 382 note 1 Richardson, K. E., “Life and Times of Thomas Attwood” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Nottingham, 1965), pp. 444–45.Google Scholar

page 382 note 2 Read, D., Press and People 1790–1850 (London, 1961), pp. 9899.Google Scholar

page 382 note 3 Although £429 was transferred to the Defence Fund on the dissolution of the Convention, this is further evidence of the inefficient manner in which it handled its financial affairs. Clearly inadequate to pay legal costs such a sum might have been crucial earlier in the year if it had been spent on strengthening the organization.

page 382 note 4 The owner and editor of the Birmingham Journal, and also delegate to the Convention for Birmingham.

page 382 note 5 Quoted in the Morning Post, 7 February 1839.

page 382 note 6 Delegate to the Convention for Birmingham.

page 382 note 7 BMAM 34245A, f. 272.

page 382 note 8 Morning Post, 8 February 1839.

page 382 note 9 Cf. Morning Post, 16 April 1839. “Yesterday, Mr. Rogers, purse-holder for the Convention, said the Morning Post had traduced their character by stating that their financial department was in a state of great derangement. […] He could tell the editor of that paper that it would be well for the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he could keep his accounts in the manner in which he […] kept the accounts of the Convention, and if his finances were in as prosperous a condition. […] To their great dismay at a subsequent period of the day, the following facts were announced; – Mr. Cardo said that money had been forwarded from Devonshire and not acknowledged. Mr. Marsden said he had handed in £5 and only £4 had been acknowledged. Mr. Pitkeithley said of £6 national rent forwarded through him only £4 had been accounted for.” See also the Examiner, 14 April 1839.

page 383 note 1 The Times, 11 March 1839.

page 383 note 2 J. T. Ward, op. cit., p. 114, writes that “in the matter of members' payment, the Convention appears to have more closely followed Chartist prescript than in such matters as the secret vote or equal electoral districts”. However, the evidence presented here suggests that any improvement was very limited.

page 383 note 3 Northern Star, 9 February 1839.

page 383 note 4 Cited in Peacock, A. J., Bradford Chartism 1838–1840 [Borthwick Papers, 36] (York, 1969), p. 20,Google Scholar note 136.

page 384 note 1 Delegate to the Convention for Dorset.

page 384 note 2 BMAM 34245A, f. 240. Loveless had only recently, August 1838, been installed in a new farm in Essex, paid for by radical subscriptions to the Dorchester Labourers' Farm Tribute, and was struggling to make a success of it. Cf. Marlow, J., The Tolpuddle Martyrs (London, 1971), pp. 214, 217.Google Scholar

page 384 note 3 Norfolk Chronicle and Norwich Gazette, 30 March 1839.

page 385 note 1 Leicestershire Mercury, 3 November 1838.

page 385 note 2 Cf. J. T. Ward, op. cit., pp. 96–100.

page 385 note 3 Leicestershire Mercury, 5 January 1839.

page 385 note 4 A. J. Peacock, op. cit., p. 18.

page 386 note 1 The Times, 16 April 1839.

page 386 note 2 Chartist Studies, ed. by Briggs, Asa (London, 1959), p. 3.Google Scholar

page 386 note 3 BMAM 34245A, f. 224, dated 9 April 1839.

page 387 note 1 Leicester Chronicle, 24 November 1838.

page 387 note 2 Leicestershire Mercury, 24 November 1838.

page 387 note 3 Cf. R. G. Gammage, op. cit., pp. 94–97.

page 387 note 4 Although this is generally correct, there remained a number of individual trade unionists who were active in Chartism. Moreover, Protheroe, I. J., “London Chartism and the Trades”, in: Economic History Review, Second Series, XXIV (1971),Google Scholar has shown how important trades support was to the organization of London Chartism in the 1840's.

page 387 note 5 Cf. Suffolk Chronicle, 18 August 1838.

page 387 note 6 Although O'Connor said that “if they were to admit the claims of all, they should require 350 delegates to furnish the demand” (the Charter, 12 May 1839), the Convention could surely have provided greater assistance than it actually did.

page 388 note 1 The Times, 28 March 1839.

page 388 note 2 BMAM 34245A, f. 320.

page 388 note 3 The Examiner, 5 May 1839.

page 388 note 4 Cited in Thompson, D., The Early Chartists (London, 1971), p. 189.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 388 note 5 BMAM 34245A, f. 178.

page 388 note 6 Cited in Fearn, H., “Chartism in Suffolk” (unpublished M.A. thesis, Sheffield, 1955).Google Scholar

page 389 note 1 Essex Mercury, 9 April 1839.

page 389 note 2 Cf. Northern Star, 12 January 1839.

page 00n note 3 Delegate to the Convention for Loughborough and Derby.

page 00n note 4 Lincolnshire Chronicle, 17 May 1839.

page 00n note 5 Morning Post, 2 April 1839.

page 00n note 6 Ibid., 3 April 1839.

page 00n note 7 BMAM 34245A, f. 86.

page 00n note 8 Ibid., f. 118.

page 00n note 9 Ibid., f. 165.

page 00n note 10 Northern Star, 15 December 1838. A copy of the circular is printed in full in D. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 193–94.

page 390 note 1 Cf. The Examiner, 5 May 1839.

page 390 note 2 Gash, N., Politics in the Age of Peel (New York, 1971), p. 175.Google Scholar

page 390 note 3 BMAM 34245A, f. 298.

page 390 note 4 The Examiner, 28 July 1839. See D. Thompson, op. cit., p. 194–95, for details of exclusive dealing in Bradford.

page 390 note 5 The Examiner, 11 August 1839.

page 390 note 6 J. F. C. Harrison, “Chartism in Leeds”, in: Chartist Studies, op. cit., p. 78.

page 391 note 1 Some local associations were quite efficient in their promotion of coffee-shops, news-rooms, temperance meeting houses, house building, co-operative retail stores, and churches. Although this did not help the national Chartist movement, it serves to indicate the reservoir of local talent available to the Convention had it been able to utilize it.

page 391 note 2 The Times, 8 May 1839, and the Charter, 12 May 1839.

page 391 note 3 For further explanation of Attwood's motives see his article in the Birmingham Journal, July 1841. There is a copy in BMAM 27821, f. 321.

page 391 note 4 BMAM 27821, f. 330.

page 392 note 1 The House actually divided on the motion that the petitioners be heard at the bar of the House.

page 392 note 2 The idea of a sacred month was assiduously canvassed by William Benbow, who published a pamphlet entitled A Grand National Holiday and Congress of the Productive Classes (1832).

page 392 note 3 A former delegate to the Convention for Manchester.

page 392 note 4 BMAM 34245B, f. 53, dated 21 July 1839.

page 393 note 1 Ibid., f. 72, dated 31 July 1839.

page 393 note 2 Letters in BMAM 34245B.

page 393 note 3 The Charter, 25 August 1839.

page 393 note 4 A. R. Schoyen, op. cit., pp. 78–79.

page 393 note 5 Northern Star, 3 August 1839. Both the article and the editorial are reprinted in D. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 196–205.

page 393 note 6 Delegate to the Convention for Rochdale and Middleton.

page 393 note 7 BMAM 34245B, f. 123, dated 8 August 1839.

page 394 note 1 Ibid., f. 114, dated 6 August 1839.

page 394 note 2 Cf. R. G. Gammage, op. cit., p. 155.

page 394 note 3 He had previously been secretary to the defence committee for the Glasgow Cotton Spinners, and a journalist with the New Liberator.

page 395 note 1 Cf. the weekly tables of attendances at the Convention published in the Charter, e.g., 3, 10, 24 and 31 March 1839.

page 395 note 2 The Charter, 25 August 1839.

page 395 note 3 Ibid., 1 September 1839.

page 395 note 4 Ibid.

page 395 note 5 A. Wilson, op. cit., p. 87.

page 395 note 6 Secretary of the Leamington Radical Association.

page 395 note 7 BMAM 34245A, ff. 111–12.

page 396 note 1 The Examiner, 1 September 1839.

page 396 note 2 Cf. M. Hovell, op. cit., p. 173.

page 396 note 3 SirRadzinowicz, L., A History of English Criminal Law, IV (Cambridge, 1968), p. 247.Google Scholar

page 396 note 4 R. G. Gammage, op. cit., pp. 156–57.

page 396 note 5 Northern Star. 1 August 1840. See also D. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 287–93.