Elsevier

Educational Research Review

Volume 22, November 2017, Pages 215-222
Educational Research Review

Review
Sexuality education including lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues in schools

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.edurev.2017.10.002Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Inclusive sexuality education covers lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) issues.

  • Students' sexual orientation does not change through inclusive sexuality education.

  • Sexual minority students suffer from homophobic and transphobic bullying.

  • Inclusive sexuality education can help reduce homophobic and transphobic bullying.

  • Teachers as role models do not change students' sexual orientation or gender identity.

Abstract

Should children and adolescents be educated in school about gender diversity, including lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) issues? This is a question many governments and educational policymakers discuss in their process of reforming relationships and sex education. However, these reform plans face resistance from parents, religious groups, and political parties. Specifically, opponents argue that (a) children who learn about LGBT issues in school will engage in same-sex practices or even become homosexual, bisexual, or trans* themselves; (b) schools force a particular view on children that stands in contrast to the heteronormative, religious, and/or political views of parents; and (c) teachers act as role models and change the sexual orientation and gender identity of their students. This systematic literature review aims to offer evidenced-based answers to these arguments on the grounds of biological, sociological, psychological, and educational research. First, twin studies and genome scans in behavioral genetics research unveil strong biological roots of sexual orientation and identity that will not change through inclusive sexuality education. Second, psychological and sociological research signals that heteronormativity, homosexuality non-acceptance, and negative attitudes toward LGBT people in general are associated with lower levels of education and intelligence as well as higher levels of religious belief and political conservatism. For at-risk sexual minority students who show gender nonconforming and gender atypical behavior, schools can create a safe climate and protect adolescent health if they succeed in reducing homophobic and transphobic discrimination, bullying, peer victimization, and verbal, physical, and sexual abuse. Third, action research and ethnographic narratives in educational research tend to indicate that queer educators as role models in classrooms do not change the sexual orientation and gender identity of their pupils. In summary, based on this systematic review, governments and policy makers can expect that reforming the teaching of sex education to include LGBT issues in schools will have positive effects for heterosexual students and for students belonging to a sexual minority.

Introduction

Should children and adolescents be educated in school about lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) issues? Governments and educational policy makers continue discussions to reform curricula in sexuality education around the world, for example in African (Eustace, Asiedu, & Mkanta, 2016), American (Darré, Jerves, Castillo, & Enzlin, 2016), Asian (Liu & Sun, 2016), Australian (Ullman & Ferfolja, 2015), and European (Gegenfurtner and Gebhardt, in press, Henningsen et al., 2016, Olson, 2016) countries. In Britain, for instance, the Stonewall School Report documents that LGBT-related information about healthy relationships and safe sex is, to date, largely excluded from relationships and sex education (RSE) in schools (Stonewall, 2017). In Australia, a report on school-based sexuality and relationships education asked students which topics needed greater depth in sexuality education classes; the highest rated topic was gender diversity (Johnson et al., 2016). In Germany, it was controversially debated that—shortly before releasing new policy guidelines for sexuality education—the word “acceptance” was changed into “tolerance and respect” toward all forms of sexual orientation (Bayerisches Staatsministerium für Bildung und Kultus, Wissenschaft und Kunst, 2016). In the United States of America, discussions on reforming sexuality education sparked after a review of the effectiveness of abstinence-only programs; the review indicated that these programs withhold information about the diversity of human sexuality and may even provide stigmatizing information (Santelli et al., 2017). These examples from different countries highlight some of the different topics and priorities of sexuality education. In general, sexuality education is education about sexual anatomy, reproduction, birth control, sexual health and well-being, sexual orientation, gender identities, and gender roles (Ponzetti, 2016, Tuider et al., 2012). Inclusive sexuality education is defined as education that encompasses all forms of human sexuality, including heterosexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersexual, queer, non-binary, questioning, pansexual, polysexual, asexual, and many others.

Discussions to reform sexuality education are controversial. Many parents, organizations, and political parties support the idea of a more inclusive sexuality education. At the same time, government bodies face the resistance of other parents, religious groups, and political parties who argue against the inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues in school curricula (Bailey et al., 2016, Ponzetti, 2016). Typically, the arguments of those who oppose the idea of inclusive sexuality education in schools are: (a) if children learn about LGBT topics in school, then they will engage in same-sex practices or even become lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender themselves; (b) if children learn about LGBT topics in school, then schools force a particular view on children that stands in contrast to the heteronormative, religious, and/or political views of parents; and finally, (c) if children learn about LGBT topics in school, then teachers act as role models and will change the sexual orientation and identity of their students. These arguments are used to fight diversity. They are used to stop initiatives aimed at creating more inclusive curricula and programs for sexuality education in schools.

The aim of this systematic literature review is to offer evidenced-based answers to these three arguments. The answers are grounded in up-to-date biological, sociological, psychological, and educational research evidence. Exclusively on the basis of empirical evidence, not opinion, this review discusses the biological roots of sexual orientation; heteronormativity and bullying in schools; and teachers as role models. Ideally, this evidence-based synthesis of research from biology, sociology, psychology, and education can inform stakeholders involved in reforming sexuality education and, perhaps, serve as a resource in dialogues between those who argue for and against covering LGBT topics in schools. As (Bailey et al. (2016), p. 81) stated, “showing that having a homosexual teacher is unlikely to cause schoolchildren to become homosexual may be easier than convincing some parents that even if it did, they should not care”.

Section snippets

The biological roots of sexual orientation

A first argument against inclusive sexuality education in schools relates to the biological roots of sexual orientation. More specifically, it is sometimes argued that children will more likely practice homosexuality and tend to become lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender if schools inform children about sexual diversity (Buston and Hart, 2001, Morrow, 1993). Behind this claim lies the implicit assumption that sexual orientation is a choice: People decided to be heterosexual, lesbian, gay,

Heteronormativity and bullying in schools

A second argument against inclusive sexuality education in schools relates to heteronormativity. Heteronormativity can be defined as views, practices, and politics that privilege heterosexuality and, more or less articulately, take it as the normative standard within a group, community, or society (cf., Warner, 1991). Opponents of inclusive sexuality education sometimes argue that parents lose control over what their children learn in school. The claim is that inclusive sexuality education

Teachers as role models

A final argument against inclusive sexuality education in schools relates to teachers and educators as role models. More specifically, opponents sometimes argue that teachers—once they openly discuss LGBT issues in their classrooms—might encourage students to practice homosexuality, bisexuality, or transgenderism; this encouragement will “turn them all gay” (Rofes, 1999, p. 84). Behind this fear lies the assumption that if a teacher in school (or an educator in preschool or a lecturer in

Conclusion

Should children and adolescents be educated in school about LGBT issues? This systematic literature review set out to discuss three arguments frequently articulated from those who are against curricular reforms of school-based inclusive sexuality education. In a response to these arguments, this review summarized available empirical evidence from biology, sociology, psychology, and education. Available empirical evidence confirmed that school children will not suffer from participation in

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