Pygmalion effects in the classroom: Teacher expectancy effects on students' math achievement

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Highlights

  • Longitudinal study of teacher expectancies in math classes.

  • Large sample of 73 teachers and their fifth-grade students (N = 1289).

  • Teacher expectancies predict students' achievement for two outcome measures.

  • Teachers' effect on achievement was partly mediated by students' self-concept.

  • No teacher effect on between-students' level when controlling for prior achievement.

Abstract

According to the Pygmalion effect, teachers' expectancies affect students' academic progress. Many empirical studies have supported the predictions of the Pygmalion effect, but the effect sizes have tended to be small to moderate. Furthermore, almost all existing studies have examined teacher expectancy effects on students' achievement at the student level only (does a specific student improve?) rather than at the classroom level (do classes improve when teachers have generally high expectations of their students?). The present study scrutinized the Pygmalion effect in a longitudinal study by using a large sample in regular classrooms and by differentiating between two achievement outcomes (grades and an achievement test) and two levels of analyses (the individual and classroom levels). Furthermore, students' self-concept was studied as a possible mediator of the teacher expectancy effect on achievement. Data come from a study with 73 teachers and their 1289 fifth-grade students. Multilevel regression analyses yielded three main results. First, Pygmalion effects were found at the individual level for both achievement outcomes. Second, multilevel mediation analyses showed that teacher expectancy effects were partly mediated by students' self-concept. Third, teachers' average expectancy effects at the class level were found to be nonsignificant when students' prior achievement was controlled.

Introduction

Teachers form expectancies of their students' achievements. Teachers' expectancies are based on the knowledge they have about their students, such as previous grades and perceptions of in-class performance, but are also based on teachers' prejudices or stereotypes (Good, 1987, Jussim et al, 1996, Reyna, 2000, Reyna, 2008). The expectancies teachers form about their students have been shown to impact students' future achievement, an effect that is often labeled the “Pygmalion” effect (Rosenthal, 2010). Pygmalion effects have high scientific and practical relevance due to their potentially positive or negative effects on important student outcomes. Not surprisingly, Pygmalion effects have been the subject of many empirical studies (meta-analyses and reviews see Jussim, Harber, 2005, Rosenthal, Rubin, 1978, Tenenbaum, Ruck, 2007), which have documented, by and large, the existence of expectancy effects.

However, despite the large number of studies, some of the key questions concerning expectancy effects have rarely been examined. First, there have been few studies that have examined differential effects of different achievement outcomes, namely, between standardized achievement tests and final grades, when studied simultaneously. Most studies concerning the effects of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement have reported only grades as outcomes (e.g., Freiberger et al, 2012, Marsh, Köller, 2004, Marsh, O'Mara, 2008, Tiedemann, 2000) or only test scores (e.g., Marsh, Parker, & Smith, 1983).

Second, some studies have found small significant effects of students' self-concept functioning as a mediator between teachers' expectancies and students' achievement. However, empirical results have not been consistent across studies and have often relied on small sample sizes (e.g., Brattesani et al, 1984, Trouilloud et al, 2002). Therefore, longitudinal studies using large data sets of both teacher and student reports are needed to examine expectancy effects and possible mediation effects.

Third, the literature has yet to address whether expectancy effects are constrained to the individual student level or also affect whole classes. In his early review, Good (1987) stated that teachers' expectancies may concern the entire class, groups of students, or specific individuals. However, almost all studies have been interested in effects operating at the student level (within-class) only: These studies have compared students within a class for whom the respective teachers had either high or low expectations. Only a few studies have examined the expectancy effect at the between-class level (i.e., do students learn more when their teacher exhibits a high average level of expectation toward the classroom?). Smith et al. (1998) studied such teacher expectancy effects for groups of students and also classrooms that were formed according to students' ability level and showed that expectancy effects could be confirmed both for individuals and in part for whole groups and classrooms. They found significant teacher expectancy effects on students' achievement in classes that used within-class ability grouping but not for classes that used between-grouping. It is less clear whether the achievement gains of a natural class with students who are not grouped are associated with teachers' average evaluation of the academic potential of the class.

In the present study, a multilevel design was used to disentangle student-level and class-level expectancy effects on two important achievement outcomes (school grades and a standardized achievement test). Furthermore, we examined students' self-concept as a potential mediator of the expected effect of teachers' expectancies on students' progress. To do so, we were able to take advantage of a study with a fairly large sample of students in Grade 5 (N = 1289) and their teachers, who were examined at three measurement points.

The Pygmalion effect refers to “the effects of interpersonal expectancies, that is, the finding that what one person expects of another can come to serve as a self-fulfilling prophecy” (Rosenthal, 2010, p. 1398). In psychological research, the classic Pygmalion effect study dates back to the 1950s. Rosenthal, Jacobson, 1968, Rosenthal, Jacobson, 1992 told elementary school teachers in an experimental study that certain children were “bloomers” based on their test results and would show great improvement in their intellectual competence in the coming months. Yet, the “bloomers” were randomly selected and differed only in the expectations that teachers were told to have for them. Nevertheless, by the end of the school year, those students had gained significantly in their intellectual achievement compared to the control group. This self-fulfilling prophecy has been called the Pygmalion effect.

In subsequent years, Pygmalion effects received tremendous research interest. In their meta-analysis, Rosenthal and Rubin (1978) summarized 345 studies about expectancy effects and found effect sizes of 0.14 to 1.73 (depending on the area of research) between expectancies and achievement. However, the methodology of these early studies (e.g., Rosenthal, Jacobson, 1968, Rosenthal, Jacobson, 1992) was criticized as these studies used small samples, ignored the clustering of data, and had unknown ecological validity as they were conducted mainly as experimental studies in the laboratory setting. Nevertheless, later research in ordinary classrooms using nonexperimental research designs found smaller but still significant effects of teachers' expectations on students' academic achievement, accounting for a maximum of 5–10% of students' achievement (e.g., Brophy, 1983, Cooper, 1979, Jussim, Eccles, 1992, Jussim, Eccles, 1995, Madon et al, 1997). For instance, Jussim and Eccles examined the effect of math teachers' expectancies on the achievement of their sixth-grade students (Jussim & Eccles, 1992). In line with the self-fulfilling prophecy hypothesis, teachers' expectancies predicted changes in student achievement even when effects of previous achievement and motivation were controlled. However, effects in naturally occurring field studies are often smaller than in strict laboratory settings with experimental manipulation. The smaller coefficients are not surprising given that teachers' expectancies were not pervasive and enduring per se, but rather flexible and open to change as soon as more information about individual student achievement was available (Brophy, 1983).

Which mechanisms account for teachers' expectancy effects? Brophy and Good (1970) described a possible mechanism behind teachers' expectancies in a comprehensive model: (a) Teachers form differential expectancies for their students. (b) Teachers' beliefs about those students begin to lead to different treatment such as providing more attention and support (climate), offering more challenging learning materials (input), interacting more often and longer (output), and being more responsive to the work (feedback) of the students for whom they hold high expectations (Rosenthal, 1974). (c) Students in turn recognize the teachers' high expectancies and react to them: They may work more and harder and develop higher motivation and interest in schoolwork. (d) This more engaged student behavior will, in the long run, improve their academic achievement. Those changes may also affect students' self-concept and motivation (Harris & Rosenthal, 1985). (e) The teacher recognizes the positive changes in the students' behavior, feels supported in his/her former expectancies and the self-fulfilling cycle is complete and reinforced. To conclude, there seems to be reasonable theoretical support for the effects of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement. However, longitudinal field studies concerning teacher expectancy effects have thus far rarely taken into account different achievement outcomes.

Accurate evaluations of students' achievement and progress in school are essential for students' learning. Grades and standardized achievement tests are both common indicators of student achievement. On the one hand, grades are central in many school systems as they are used for schooling-related decisions such as acceleration or remediation or the counseling of parents. Grades incorporate achievement assessments of several occasions in written and verbal form over a whole school year and are therefore less influenced by one-time situational events. Moreover, grades assess rather general achievement across different specific topics within one subject.

On the other hand, standardized tests are common in many school systems including the American school system, and studies have confirmed their predictive validity for various student outcomes (e.g., Kuncel et al, 2001, Kuncel et al, 2010). In particular, tests have the advantage of allowing comparisons across classes or schools as test results are assumed to be less influenced by the class as a reference standard than grades (e.g., Kimball, 1989).

Theoretically, the so-called perceptual bias hypothesis claims that teachers' expectancies of students' competence should predict their own judgments of students' grades more than an independent achievement test (Jussim, Eccles, 1992, Smith et al, 1998). Indeed, Jussim and Eccles (1992) found those results in their longitudinal study of sixth graders. However, some researchers have found the opposite results in which teachers' expectancies predicted students' test scores more strongly than they predicted final grades (e.g., Trouilloud et al., 2002).

So far, most studies concerning expectancy effects on students' achievement have relied on only test scores (e.g., Marsh et al., 1983) or only grades (e.g., Freiberger et al, 2012, Marsh, Köller, 2004, Marsh, O'Mara, 2008, Tiedemann, 2000). Just a few studies have reported effects on tests and grades simultaneously (e.g., Jussim & Eccles, 1992). As more and more researchers recommend using both tests and grades to profit from the strengths of both methods (Brennan, Kim, Wenz-Gross, & Siperstein, 2001), both measures were included in the present study.

Studies have shown that the effect of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement can be (partly) mediated by students' self-concept (Brattesani et al, 1984, Kuklinski, Weinstein, 2001, Trouilloud et al, 2002). Students who hold higher self-concepts seem to perceive themselves as more academically competent and confident and therefore tend to accomplish more than students with more negative self-perceptions (e.g., Marsh, Craven, 2006, Marsh, Köller, 2004, Marsh, Yeung, 1997, Trautwein et al, 2009). This effect has been shown in particular for the domain-specific association of students' math self-concept and their math achievement. Previous findings have shown positive correlations between students' math self-concept and students' math grades of r = .46 to .50 (Jussim & Eccles, 1992) or even r = .70 (Marsh, Trautwein, Lüdtke, Köller, & Baumert, 2006).

Regarding math, students' self-concept can be positively influenced by good prior academic achievement and by ability judgments of significant others, such as teachers (Dickhäuser, Stiensmeier-Pelster, 2003, Marsh et al, 1998, Spinath, Spinath, 2005a) and parents (Frome, Eccles, 1998, Spinath, Spinath, 2005a). More precisely, teachers' expectancies were found to be significantly related to different self-concept domains of elementary children (e.g., math, reading, or school in general; Marsh et al., 1998). To this end, teachers can be considered to be important agents in forming the self-concepts of their students. Although studies have shown that teachers' expectancies can influence students' self-concepts, few studies have examined whether those self-concepts also mediate the effect of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement. After controlling for prior achievement, there was a small but significant effect of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement mediated by the students' self-concept for Grade 5 students in those classes in which teachers made their expectancies especially salient to the students (Kuklinski & Weinstein, 2001). However, results for Grade 1 and Grade 3 students were not significant, and only one achievement outcome (i.e., test scores) was used. A study with eighth and 11th graders and their teachers showed a small mediation effect of students' self-concept for the relation between teachers' expectancies and students' achievement score (Trouilloud et al., 2002). Yet, the study was conducted for swimming competence and contained a relatively small sample with seven teachers and their students. A study with third to sixth graders provided support for a student mediation model of teacher expectancy effects (Brattesani et al., 1984). However, again, the sample was relatively small with seven versus 16 teachers and their students and relied on only test scores as the outcome. Till now, studies examining possible mediation effects of students' self-concept suffer from certain limitations, which need to be addressed in future research.

In his early review, Good (1987) stated that teachers' expectancies may concern the entire class, groups of students, or specific individuals. In a model of the Pygmalion effect by Trouilloud and Sarrazin (2003), Pygmalion effects were conceptualized as the effects of teachers' expectancies for both individual students and for groups of students or a whole class. Most empirical studies, however, focus on teachers' expectancies about individuals (Spinath, Spinath, 2005a, Trouilloud et al, 2002) or specific groups of students, for example racial minority students or people from a lower class background (Jussim et al, 1996, Jussim, Harber, 2005, Tenenbaum, Ruck, 2007). Only a few studies have analyzed effects of teachers' expectancies for the competences of an entire class on students' characteristics (e.g., Martin et al, 1980, Smith et al, 1998). Eden (1990) conducted a study with Defense Forces in the army and found support for the Pygmalion effect for entire work groups. In their meta-analysis, Kierein and Gold (2000) summarized 13 studies about Pygmalion effects in work organization; some of them also had groups as the unit of analysis for which they found an effect of d= 0.83. Yet, the study by Eden and the meta-analysis manipulated expectancies rather than employing naturally occurring expectancies and was conducted in the work organizational context, thus leaving the generalizability to educational settings unclear.

Smith et al. (1998) analyzed expectancy effects on students' achievement for students grouped by ability within and between classrooms and for students in heterogeneous classrooms (i.e., in which no ability grouping took place). They did not find teacher expectancy effects (measured as perceptions of performance, talent, and effort) on students' achievement at the class level, drawing on aggregated data. Yet, they analyzed whether ability grouping of classes moderated the relation between teacher expectations and class achievement and found evidence for this in classes that used within-class grouping.

Thus, although it is theoretically reasonable to assume whole group effects, these effects have seldom been analyzed empirically in the educational setting. In line with the few existing former studies, we assumed that teachers might form evaluations not only for a single student or a subgroup of students but also for whole classes. Those class-level teachers' expectancies could be operationalized in two ways: First, teachers could be asked directly about their expectancies for the class as a whole (e.g., Hastings, Bham, 2003, Lorenz, 2005). A second way is by aggregating teachers' expectancies for the individual students in their class. In the literature on multilevel analyses, aggregating student or teacher variables, grades, or test scores on the class level is a common method of separating and analyzing student- and class-level effects (e.g., Croninger et al, 2003, Trautwein et al, 2006, Trautwein et al, 2009). Previous studies investigating expectancies for groups did not use global assessments when exploring expectancy effects for groups (Smith et al., 1998). In more detail, prior studies on expectancy effects for groups followed the assumption that groups of people consist of different individuals and that their differences account for the perception of the whole group (e.g., see Eden, 1990). For example, in the study by Eden (1990) conducted in a military context, leaders were not told that “this group” had high potential on average, but that the people in the group had high potential on average. Second, with the multi-level analysis, we took into account the nested structure of the data and were able to separate both student- and classroom-level effects, which can be seen as a strength of the present manuscript (e.g., Miller & Murdock, 2007). Predictor and outcome measure were assessed on the same (individual) level, aggregated before the analyses, and therefore were more comparable. Indeed, with this approach it was ensured that each student was taken into account to the same extent. Therefore, in particular to increase consistency and comparability with prior expectancy research, and following Smith et al.'s (1998) considerations, we used the second method and refer to this aggregated teacher measure as teachers' average expectancies.

When a teacher holds rather low average expectancies for a class, this could result in the selection of less difficult tasks, repeated problem talk, and less appreciation by the teacher. In the long term, these actions may result in lower self-concepts or achievements of the students in this class. By contrast, if a teacher has rather high average expectancies for a class, this teacher might select challenging tasks, focus more on the strengths of the students, and give more enforcement, and these actions may all have a positive effect on students' self-concept or achievement. This positive effect might be especially helpful for low-achieving students with poor self-perceptions (which we used in the present study) because a supportive and encouraging teacher who insists on a general belief in progress could help those low-achieving students to stay motivated (Jussim et al, 1996, Spinath, Spinath, 2005b).

So far, research has not provided sufficient insight into class-level effects of teacher expectancies on students' class achievement; consequently, these kinds of studies have thus far been missing in the educational setting. Previous findings suggest that teacher expectations may be stronger aligned with the class than with individual students (Rubie-Davies, Hattie, & Hamilton, 2006): teachers may hold high or low expectations for their whole class that even can over- or underrate students' actual competencies. Rubie-Davies (2007) found that teachers with high expectancies for a class had correspondingly higher expectations for high-ability, average and below-average students. Similarly, teachers with low expectancies for a class had correspondingly lower expectations for high-ability, average and below-average students. If class-centered teacher expectations had effects on students' self-concept and achievement, this might indicate that “the direction of the teacher-expectancy effect is stronger from the teacher to the students than that from the students to the teacher” (Rubie-Davies et al., 2006, p. 540). And indeed, in an intervention study in 84 classrooms, teacher expectancies for all students could be raised, this effect was sustained over two school years and influenced students' learning in math (Rubie-Davies, Peterson, Sibley, & Rosenthal, 2014).

There has been extensive research on the Pygmalion effect, yet there are several limitations to the existing research mentioned above (relying on either test scores or grades, small sample sizes, lack of mediation analyses in field studies and lack of analyzing possible class-level effects). Therefore, using a multilevel dataset collected on a sample of N = 1289 fifth-grade students from 73 classrooms and their 73 teachers, the present study examined student-level expectancy effects on two important achievement outcomes (school grades and a standardized achievement test). Furthermore, we investigated the role of students' self-concept as a potential mediator of the expected effect of teachers' expectancies on students' achievement. Third, student- and class-level effects were teased apart to explore potential class-level effects. We selected low-achieving students because the Pygmalion effect might be especially salient and important in this subpopulation (Jussim et al, 1996, Spinath, Spinath, 2005b). The study was conducted in a real-life setting with a domain-specific focus on math.

In total, we tested the following three research questions. First, do teachers' expectancies regarding students' competences predict students' achievement in our sample and will results be significant for both achievement outcomes? Given the overall support for Pygmalion effects (e.g., Brophy, 1983, Jussim, Harber, 2005, Madon et al, 1997, Tenenbaum, Ruck, 2007), we expected to find significant results for students' achievement.

Second, we were interested in whether any expectancy effects would be mediated by students' expectancy beliefs. We speculated that students' self-concept would mediate the association between teachers' expectancies of students' competences and students' actual achievement.

Third, we probed for a Pygmalion effect at the class level. In more detail, we explored whether teachers' average expectancies of the students in their class would be associated with students' achievement. Teachers' average expectancies might be an effect that exists above the effect of their expectancies for individual students and might be even more powerful as many more students would be affected at the same time (Smith et al., 1998). However, given the limited number of articles about Pygmalion effects at the class level, we did not have a clear prediction about the size of the effect of teachers' average expectancies for entire classes on students' achievement; thus, we conducted a rather exploratory analysis.

Section snippets

Sample

The participants were math teachers (N = 73) and their fifth-grade students (N = 1289) attending the lowest school track in Germany (Haupt and Werkrealschule) who took part in a larger study on self-regulated learning.

Results

Descriptive results for teachers' expectancies of their students' math competence and students' math self-concept are summarized in Table 1. To test our research questions, two separate multilevel regression analyses and multilevel mediation analyses were conducted for each outcome variable, respectively. The first research question dealt with teacher expectancy effects at the student level, and Research Question 2 examined possible mediation effects of these expectancy beliefs. Research

Discussion

Teachers form expectancies of their students' achievements. According to the Pygmalion effect, students perceive and react to their teachers' expectancies, and these perceptions and reactions result in more or less positive learning outcomes, no matter whether the teachers' prior expectancies were accurate or not. And indeed, in studying the expectations of 73 teachers and the achievements of their fifth-grade students, we found that teachers' expectancies were positively associated with

Acknowledgments

Alena Friedrich, Barbara Flunger, Benjamin Nagengast, Kathrin Jonkmann, and Ulrich Trautwein, Hector Research Institute of Education Sciences and Psychology, Europastraße 6, 72072 Tübingen, Germany. This research was supported by a grant from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research to Bernhard Schmitz and Ulrich Trautwein (01JH0918). Alena Friedrich was a member of the Graduate School Empirical Educational Research, which is supported by the Ministry of Science, Research, and the

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