What can we learn from the practice of development-forced displacement and resettlement for organised resettlements in response to climate change?
Introduction
It is widely understood that climate change will reduce some people’s ability to make a living in their home communities. Warren et al. (2006) estimate that by 2020 climate change may expose an additional 6 million people in coastal areas to flood and that by 2085 800–1800 million people will be exposed to water resource stresses; up to 600 million more people could be at risk of hunger by 2080. It is unclear whether people will relocate in response to these stresses, and if so, how many of them there will be. People under resource stress adapt in many ways, only one of which includes migration (Hugo, 2010, Kälin, 2010), and if people do relocate, real, perceived or anticipated environmental change may comprise only one component of their reasoning.
Nevertheless, it is likely that environmental stress induced by climate change will cause the displacement of some people or communities (Barnett and Webber, 2010, Piguet et al., 2011) and those lacking resources may require assistance to move. For instance, the most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2014, p. 20) states that “climate change over the 21st Century is projected to increase the displacement of people”. The Cancun Adaptation Framework (2010), which was adopted by parties to the Cancun Agreements at the 2010 Climate Change Conference, invited states (in para 14f) to undertake “measures to enhance understanding, coordination and cooperation with regard to climate change induced displacement, migration and planned relocation where appropriate, at the national, regional and international levels” (UNFCCC, 2010, p. 5). Thus some scholars and policy makers have begun to examine the experiences of other kinds of displacement to guide future organised resettlements and predict their difficulties. Of interest is the forced displacement and resettlement (DFDR) of people to make way for development projects (large dams, transport infrastructure, mines, and urban expansion and reconstruction) or to restrict their access to land. This paper examines that consideration. It asks: what can we learn from the many decades of DFDR that might be useful in planning the organised resettlement of people affected by climate change and associated projects within borders?1
After introducing the literature about development-forced displacement and climate change, we begin by unpacking the key failings of DFDR praxis. These include: limited regard for the agency of the affected population as people who are themselves capable of responding to changes going on around them; the lack of interrogation of development as an approach to improving resettlement outcomes; limited consideration of the politics surrounding the identification of the affected population; and a simplistic understanding of community dynamics and livelihoods. We then place the praxis of DFDR within its broader political economic context to explain these problems. Finally, we draw upon the frailties of DFDR as lessons for organised resettlements2 in response to climate change.
Section snippets
Climate, development, displacement
Until recently the study of DFDR was largely disconnected from the study of other types of displacement (‘conflict’, ‘natural disaster’ and ‘environmental’), even though all raise issues of vulnerability, livelihood reconstruction risk and human rights violations (Cernea, 1990, Cernea, 1997, Muggah, 2003). Despite calls to share knowledge across the different types of displacement (Turton, 2006, for example) and some attempts to bridge this divide – (Hansen and Oliver-Smith, 1982, Cernea, 1990,
Problems of DFDR
Thus, although human responses to the impacts of climate change may involve several kinds of mobility, it is generally recognised that some forms of organised resettlement may be necessary if people cannot respond of their own accord (de Sherbinin et al., 2011). We look to DFDR for lessons for such resettlement, but the majority of these are to be drawn from its frailties. The evidence of operational evaluations, independent research and NGO investigations points to a strong relationship
Why does DFDR intensify impoverishment among displaced communities?
These comments about the failings of DFDR manifest a broader lacuna in understanding organised resettlement. We have indicated that DFDR generally involves top-down planning, under which certain groups are selected for relocation, and steps are taken to restore livelihoods (regarded as incomes), with little attention paid to community-wide effects. The model assumes that the state and other agencies are fair, impartial, dispassionate arbiters of what is best for society as a whole. All that is
Conclusions
This paper is premised on the idea that environmental stresses induced by climate change will displace some people and communities. While many people can respond to such impacts, some groups will be unable to adapt in situ or migrate. In such cases, planned resettlement may be required; some argue this is already underway. To this end, specialists of DFDR have offered their experiences of displacement and resettlement. Noting the similarities and differences between displacement driven by
Acknowledgements
Brooke Wilmsen and Michael Webber acknowledge the receipt of Australian Research Council (ARC) Grant DE120101037 and DP110103381, respectively, which partially supported the research reported in this paper.
The authors would like to thank Dr. Susanna Price of the Australian National University and three anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on an earlier draft.
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